“As a Thief in the Night”
by Dan Erickson

Chapter 7
Mormon Versus the United States: The Utah War and Civil War Periods

[p.149]Following earlier patterns, the cyclical nature of Mormon millennial expectations continued after Nauvoo.1 The Saints believed calamity and destruction were necessary prior to the peace offered by the Millennium. The intensity of millennial hope increased with rumors of war and worldwide natural disasters, as well as in proportion to the perceived pressures on the church.2 As conditions became difficult, church members’ thoughts would turn towards heaven for relief. They viewed persecution as proof that the day of the Lord was at hand and looked for Christ’s return.3

Mormonism’s revolt against America’s unwritten denominational [p.150]compact (voluntarism and pluralism) was only able to survive because, at the time, the nation had geographical space to accommodate social and political dissenters.4 In the West Brigham Young’s goal was to create a city on a hill in the wilderness of the Great Basin, a place where the chosen of God would grow and eventually overcome America both spiritually and physically.5

Although forced to battle the desert elements, politically the church’s first ten years in Utah Territory remained relatively peaceful. Physically separated from non-Mormon society, Young was able to implement Mormonism’s total theology to a greater extent than ever could have occurred in locales close to mainstream American culture.6 To the Saints in transplanted Zion, Utah Territory provided a sanctuary from Babylon under the guidance of God’s modern mouthpiece. Mormons believed that the Almighty had held this place in reserve for a society set on ushering in the Millennium.7

[p.151]A preoccupation with the destruction of the world and the coming of Christ remained a major theme in Mormon thought after the removal west. The Saints were warned that it would come sooner than they expected, that the necessary events would follow in rapid order, and the Lord would cut his work short.8 Those elders accustomed to looking at sunsets and into the heavens for some special sign could dispense with their anxiety now, said First Presidency member Jedediah M. Grant. The predicted events were rushing on with such speed “as to exceed even our most sanguine expectations.”9 Children were told they would live to raise the dead, and that in no more than fifty years worthy Saints would be borne aloft to meet Christ.10 Apostle George A. Smith warned the world that “the day of the Lord is near … and we should watch for the coming of the Son of Man.”11

As in previous times the gathering of the elect was preached as an overriding theological tenet, with Utah now set apart as the place for God’s chosen.12 Wallace Stegner has pointed out that “crossing the Plains to Zion in the Valleys of the Mountains was not merely a [p.152]journey but a rite of passage, the final, devoted, enduring act that brought one into the kingdom.”13 “The gathering of Israel,” Brigham Young said, “is so important a part of the great work in which we are engaged that it occupies much of our thoughts, and we are ever anxious to afford it all just facilities and influence, even to the risk of infringing upon other requirements.”14 Orson Spencer described Utah as “the resting place of Israel for the last days … and the ultimate joy of the whole earth is the state of Zion established in the mountains.”15 Young restricted certain religious ceremonies to Utah, believing that to do otherwise “would destroy the object of the gathering.”

One criterion to receive the church’s highest ordinance, called the “second anointing,” was to have “gathered with the body of the church” as part of the Mormon empire building effort.16

Across the Atlantic Mormonism’s predominant missionary message continued to include hope of an imminent millennium.17 But in Europe the first step in preparing for Christ’s return was to get to Zion (America). As one writer affirms, for Mormons “crossing the ocean became an act of obedience to the command to come out of Babylon” and join the Saints awaiting Christ’s return.18 To facilitate [p.153]relocation in 1849 Brigham Young initiated the Perpetual Emigration Fund. Its purpose was to raise capital and supervise European migration to America where the truthfulness of the American Constitution could be better taught in Utah Mormonism.19 Spouting emigration rhetoric, the Millennial Star declared, “Every particle of our means which we use in Babylon is a loss to ourselves … Every Saint who does not come home [Utah] will be afflicted by the Devil.”20

Under Young’s theocracy the results obtained in the Great Basin confirmed the Saints’ confidence and conviction that God would soon beckon his people to prepare for Christ’s return. Construction of a temple in the West was required to build the kingdom in preparation for the Lord. When its cornerstones were laid, Brigham Young told the Saints a temple must be erected so that when Christ “shall again appear, he may have a place where he can lay his head.”21 Although the Millennium had yet to arrive, its promise had not gone completely unfulfilled for the Saints had much to show for their endeavors.

But Latter-day Saint success in making the desert “blossom as a rose” also affirmed Mormon leaders’ belief that the general membership had fallen into complacency, more interested in material than spiritual things. Attributing crop failures, grasshopper plagues, and natural disasters to an absence of faith, and believing the Saints’ lack of outside persecution had allowed their commitment to soften, in 1856-57 Brigham Young instituted a “Reformation,” hoping to instill the spiritual strength held by the Saints during their hardship days of Ohio, Missouri, and lllinois.22

[p.154]Described by one writer as a “fanatical spiritualism that burned across the Basin with religious fury,” the Mormon Reformation was based on a millennial world view, its purpose to lay the foundation for divine changes with eternal consequences.23 Isolated in the West, Brigham Young hoped to encourage the perfecting of his people. If members would cease to do evil, they could bind Satan and help hasten the Millennium.24 Apostle Lorenzo Snow held the reformation’s importance was to obtain the “spiritual energy” necessary “to pass the fiery ordeal … we feel is fast approaching.”25 Apostle Wilford Woodruff believed its purpose was to equip members “for the great things of God which are coming upon the Earth & upon this people … for destruction is nigh.”26

“Repent, reform, and renew your covenants; is the cry of God,” exhorted the Deseret News.27 Young’s thunderous counselor, Jedediah M. Grant, weary of expounding reformation fervor in the face of lackadaisical efforts, demanded further evidence of members’ commitment through mass rebaptism and reconfirmation. Led by Young and many members of the church’s hierarchy, these acts represented [p.155]outward signs of renewed dedication to gospel ideals.28 An increase in plural marriages accompanied the reformation’s show of faith and devotion, along with initiation of a “home missionary” program and an attempt to reinstitute a limited version of the law of consecration.29

The push to demonstrate religious commitment by taking additional plural wives created unique problems including competition for brides and a rush into marriages which soon ended in divorce.30 Apostle Wilford Woodruff reported nearly “all are trying to get wives, until there is hardly a girl 14 years old in Utah, but what is married or just going to be.”31 One Fillmore, Utah, member commiserated over the marriage possibilities in his home town, reporting, “[T]here were 56 single men besides all the married ones that were anxious to get more wives, and only four single women. Now sir, would it not be a good policy for me to go on a mission to the states or England if you thought best. I know of some good women in the states of my own baptizing that might be got, besides many more.”32

But the reformation’s demand for proof of spiritual devotion led to excesses and bolstered Mormon stereotypes.33 Rumors of polyga-[p.156]mous harems and exotic doctrines such as “blood atonement,” implemented by Mormon “Danite” vigilante bands, depicted Mormon society as uncivilized, and Americans demanded that lawless Utah be brought under subjugation. The eastern press was convinced that the Mormon practice of preaching to Native Americans and bringing hordes of foreign converts to the West was to establish a religious empire set on despotic domination and possibly complete separation from the Union.34 Writing from his mission headquarters in New York, Apostle Parley Pratt lamented that “the whole country is being overwhelmed with the most abominable lying, mockery, and hatred of the Saints.”35 Upon receipt of mail from the East, prominent Mormon Hosea Stout reported, “[T]he spirit of the people & rulers of the Nation seem to be hostile and surley towards the Mormons.”36 When only days later these accounts were read from the Salt Lake Tabernacle pulpit, Stout concluded, “[I]t appears that there is now through out the U.S. the most bitter, revengeful, and mobocratic feeling against us• that has ever been manifested.”37

But the major irritant continued to be Young and the shadow leadership resting with the Mormon hierarchy who effectively governed the territory regardless of which officials the federal government commissioned.38 Young defiantly declared, I am and will be [p.157]Governor, and no power can hinder it until the Lord Almighty says, ‘Brigham, you need not be Governor any longer.’”39 Motivated by federal appointees’ complaints and reports throughout the 1850s of Young’s theocratic fanaticism and polygamy, newly elected president James Buchanan decided a show of authority was needed to demonstrate federal sovereignty over Utah. Buchanan authorized a military campaign to escort Young’s replacement as governor into the territory.40 A New York Times editor succinctly described the expedition’s goal, concluding, “the Government had a clear choice whether to subdue the Saints then [1857] while they were still relatively weak, or wait till they could support their inevitable demand for political sovereignty with a perilously swollen population.”41

Steeped in reformation zeal, word of General Albert Sydney Johnston’s army’s westward march to put down the Utah Mormon rebellion and install a gentile governor was seen by the Saints as a step towards ushering in the Millennium. “The greater [the army’s] numbers,” preached Apostle Orson Hyde in October 1857, “the greater and more complete its overthrow, … If the Red Sea be not the trap in which the enemy will be caught,” he predicted, “there [p.158]will be a snow of hail storm, a whirlwind, an earthquake, fire from above or from beneath, or the sword of the Lord and of Brigham.”42 Apostle Orson Pratt, believing that the signs of the last days were everywhere visible, declared that the time had arrived when “the mother of abominations was to gather together and fight against the Saints.”43 Young assured his people that government persecution would only “hasten the work” of the Lord.44 Johnston’s army was but the beginning of the collapse of American sovereignty and would allow the Saints to become an independent nation.

It was millennialism which convinced church leaders not to relinquish the valley to an incoming foe.45 Upon word of the approaching troops, Young stockpiled arms and ammunition, recalled missionaries and outpost settlements, proclaimed marshal law, and initiated a guerrilla campaign against the approaching “invaders.” His actions signaled that truly monumental events were about to ensue.46 The Mormon leadership’s inflammatory rhetoric invoked zealous response from members, with past sufferings, government sanctioned [p.159]mob violence, burnings, and expulsion from Missouri and Illinois all relived.47 Apostle John Taylor vowed never again “to bow to the cruelty of Mobs, even when the mob have the name of being legalized by the nation.”48 All believed that soon the Lord would smite down their enemies. Surely deliverance was nigh.49

The Utah War intensified the reformation’s religious fervor, deepening the Saints’ belief in an impending conflict with Christ soon to usher in his millennial reign.50 Bishop Lorenzo D. Young confessed he had “long prayed that the Lord Almighty would destroy the nation that gave me birth.”51 “I have been looking for the time of deliverance” recorded Apostle Charles C. Rich, “but did not expect it so soon.”52 Apostle Wilford Woodruff warned a congregation that President Buchanan had no idea what he was up against, and prophesied the government was “turning the last key to rend the nation asunder.”53 In 1858 Apostle Orson Pratt told the Saints, “The American continent never was designed for such a corrupt Government … After they should become ripened in iniquity, it was not intended [p.160]they should continue. The Lord has designed another thing, and for this reason we are here in these mountains.”54

By sealing Utah’s borders and mobilizing the territorial militia against the U.S. army, Young may have committed an act of treason, and in fact his actions were so labeled in a letter to Young from incoming governor Alfred Cumming.55

When the Mormon prophet refused to investigate and admit Mormon complicity in the September 1857 slaughter of the Fancher party at Mountain Meadows, public opinion concluded Utah Mormonism was an empire answering to none but itself.56 Mormon defiance angered and antagonized the American people and government and military leaders whose resolve stiffened to subdue the rebels.57 “They have with meditation,” concluded General Johnston, [p.161]“placed themselves in rebellion against the Union, and entertain the insane design of establishing a form of government thoroughly despotic, and utterly repugnant to our institutions … I have ordered that wherever they are met in arms, they be treated as enemies.”58

Young initiated scorched-earth tactics, burning food, army supply wagons, and freight trains, torching miles of grassland forage, and capturing 1,400 of the expedition’s 2,000 head of cattle, forcing the detachment to “whole up” for the winter in present-day Wyoming. But it was one thing to strand a floundering detachment on the high plains. It would be a different problem to keep a resupplied army led by a trained veteran general from occupying the territory the following spring.59 Delaying Johnston’s entrance into the Salt Lake Valley allowed time for Young to pursue alternative responses. He hoped that by slowing the troops’ arrival a peaceful settlement could be negotiated.60

With the Missouri and Illinois experience overshadowing Mormon consciousness, Young had three options: stand and fight, allow the troops to enter Utah and occupy the territory, or flee America leaving behind ten years of sweat and toil.61 Adopting a siege mentality, Young followed an isolationist strategy, negotiating his way out of armed conflict while seeking to maintain a separate sanctuary. This was illustrated by his sending 30,000 “refuges” south, in essence moving the entire church away from Johnston’s [p.162]troops.62 As a last resort Young organized an exploration party to investigate the unchartered White Mountain region to the southwest should the Saints require a new place of refuge.63

With the quiet assistance of Thomas L. Kane, a peaceful settlement of the crisis was found with Young accepting the new governor, Alfred Cumming, and establishment of a military post away from major Mormon settlements in exchange for pardons for individuals involved in the confrontation.64 Although considered a successful public relations strategy, the “move south” proved not only disruptive but financially devastating to Utah Mormons, many members leaving their homes not from a sense of duty but by mandate from the church hierarchy.65 As Leonard Arrington pointed out, the sacrifice of property, particularly at Carson Valley and San Bernardino, cost the church millions of dollars and further depleted scarce capital and weakened member morale.66 As with much of his charismatic leadership, Young’s tactics were practical but decisions were based on religious convictions and in this case on chiliastic expectations.67

[p.163]When Johnston’s army passed through a deserted Salt Lake City and founded Camp Floyd west of the Jordon River, Mormon fear of mobocracy sanctioned by government institutions subsided. Perhaps by the late 1850s Mormons could live amidst U.S. institutions. Once the immediate crisis dissipated, church leaders’ millennial rhetoric declined, no longer inflammatory or prophesying God’s intervention. No doubt the confidence shown by earlier millennial predictions was shaken as the Saints’ prophesied cataclysmic victory failed to produce the consumption of their enemies. The permanence of Johnston’s army at Camp Floyd remained an enduring legacy of federal sovereignty over the Great Basin.68

Thomas B. H. Stenhouse, president of the church’s Eastern States mission, summarized Latter-day Saint millennial disappointment:

For years previous, the people had been taught to look forward to the time when “the kingdom” should throw off its allegiance to all earthly power, and now [1857] they naturally concluded that “the long-expected blessed day” had arrived, when they beheld on the one side of the mountains the national army advancing to their homes, and on the other side the Prophet with the armies of Israel determined to dispute their entrance into the valleys.69

When the anticipated “final” conflict failed to materialize, the Saints were asked once again to delay their deliverance, postponing victory for Israel sometime into the future.70

Mormon apocalyptic anticipations, rekindled during the Utah War, were a mere prelude to church leader declarations during the American Civil War. In the Far West, away from the battle lines, the South’s secession brought a renewed round of millennial intensity [p.164]predicting the nation’s collapse and destruction. Here the prophecy made by Joseph Smith that the final upheaval would commence in South Carolina, that it would involve the slave issue, that it would pit the north against the south and spread throughout the earth until all nations were destroyed seemed to find stunning fulfillment.71 The excitement felt in connection with the Civil War is difficult to describe.72 Surely, they believed, the end was now in sight.73

[p.165]Nationally the concept of Americans as a chosen people came to full development just prior to 1860.74 To some the Civil War fit into the pattern of apocalyptic history, the next step towards millennial peace. They saw antebellum abolitionism as one way of hastening the Millennium. But in many respects the war shocked postmillennial America. While writers and orators used apocalyptic rhetoric to portray the struggle as an “Armageddon of the Republic,” once the Civil War began many questioned whether, through internal discord, the nation may have forfeited its divine providence. Whereas optimism had previously permeated the country’s religious culture, feeding on the “redeemer nation” myth, abolitionists wondered for years if America could fulfill its destiny while maintaining the evils of slavery. Admitting godly purpose, Abraham Lincoln confessed the war must last “until all the wealth piled by the bondman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword.”75 Even America’s so-called righteousness was not enough to allow it to escape desolating wars that many believed would only affect other nations.76

[p.166]Yet Mormons accepted the Civil War with no great surprise.77 As the Book of Mormon made clear (2 Ne. 26:15), two great pre-Columbian civilizations had already been “brought down low in the dust” on this continent with only a “miserable few” remnants yet bearing “the marks of the curse, of God upon them.”78 Unless the present generation hastily repented, it would experience the same fate.79 Brigham Young warned the Saints to lay up grain, for people would soon be flocking to Utah for peace and sustenance.80 No doubt “the time is close at hand,” wrote Charles Penrose, and events are about to “follow each other in rapid succession.”81

Prior to the war, Utah Mormons had no national vote and held no particular allegiance. Although Stephen A. Douglas’s popular sovereignty doctrine found support among the Saints, his attacks against the church in 1857, including his charge that Utah Mormons were attempting to subvert the U.S. government, negated any chance of Utah’s affiliation with national Democrats.82 Obviously Mormons [p.167]could not align themselves with the Republican party whose first platform in 1856 included a proclamation to outlaw the “barbarism” of polygamy.83

By the time events of 1860 climaxed, the past experiences of the Utah War and the Mountain Meadows massacre had already placed a great deal of mistrust between Mormons and the federal government. In a final attempt to decrease Mormon power in the West, just days before leaving office, President Buchanan siphoned off a large portion of western Utah Territory by creating the new Territory of Nevada.84 Understanding that the Saints’ sympathies may lie with the southern states, when forced to abandon Camp Floyd for eastern military positions the army destroyed surplus ammunition rather than allow it to fall into Mormon hands.85

The church hierarchy held that Utah was not involved in the crisis between the North and South, and wanted to be left alone to pursue their religious kingdom.86 “We abide strictly and positively by the Constitution,” declared Apostle John Taylor at the 1861 Fourth of July celebration, “we know no north, no south, no east, no west.”87 The national government certainly concurred with the Saints’ self-description, enlisting Utah’s militia in only one small assignment during [p.168]the war and establishing a new military outpost, Camp Douglas, not at the old Camp Floyd site, but on the bench overlooking Salt Lake City where commanding gun positions could overlook the city.88

During the Civil War, church leaders disseminated two primary themes: Mormon veneration of the U.S. Constitution with its God-given liberties, and the conviction that neither side in the pending crisis would surface as victor but that the nation would be torn asunder.89 The Saints would then rise to save true constitutional government and inherit the remains of a shattered nation whose leaders would petition the Mormon hierarchy to take control of the floundering country.90 “While the waves of commotion are whelming [sic] nearly the whole country,” wrote Brigham Young in December 1860, “Utah in her rocky fortress is biding her time to step in and rescue the constitution.”91 Young calculated he would “live to see wickedness swept from the face of the Earth, the Saints possess it for an Everlasting inheritance, and Jesus reign king of [p.169]kings.”92 “The day is not far distant,” Heber C. Kimball held, when “we will be ruled by those men whom God Almighty appoints.”93

Predicting dissolution of the Union after Abraham Lincoln’s election, the Deseret News declared Mormons

have undeviatingly adhered to the principles of the Constitution, and will venerate them after Congress shall have held its last session, and the United States as a nation shall cease to exist…. The day is not far distant, when the United States Government will cease to be, and that the Union, about which the politicians have harped and poets sung, will be no more.94

God has “commenced to vex the nation,” said Brigham Young. “It will not be patched up—it never can come together again … If our present happy form of government is sustained, which I believe it will be, it will be done by the people I am now looking upon in connection with their brethren and their offspring.”95

Surely the long-awaited moment was in sight. The beginning conflict would not only kill off the slaves, but lead to the destruction of contending factions.96 Young concluded, “[T]he [U.S.] Government was the most Corrupt & rotten of any Government in the world & they were ready to be destroyed.”97 Apostle Woodruff predicted the Civil War would destroy both sides, leaving the Saints to see “the Kingdom of God Established upon their ruins.”98 Affirming that God’s wrath would be upon America until the “wicked & Corrupt” are destroyed [p.170]and the government turned over to the Saints, Woodruff warned “the Gentiles upon this land [to] prepare to meet their God.”99

Expecting the government to crumble, in 1862 Young formed an unofficial “ghost” legislature that continued beyond the end of the Civil War.100 The Mormons were not planning to seize power, but through the priesthood hierarchy they were prepared to take the reins once the existing government was shattered and were separating themselves from society while awaiting destruction of the wicked.101

The Civil War was also expected to be the means of cleansing Missouri, preparing the way for the return of the Latter-day Saints “to take possession of the center Stake of Zion.”102 The [p.171]Lord had led modem Israel to the West to protect them from impending devastation, and the war was God’s method of sweeping Missouri clean to pave the way for Mormon repossession.103 “They are emptying the land of inhabitants, burning the rubbish, and clearing the way for the return of the Saints; and the city of Zion will yet be laid out, and commenced to be built in Jackson County, Missouri, and the temple of the Lord will be erected on that very spot in this generation.”104 Almost every kindred, tongue, and people had, by that time, been given the chance to accept the gospel, said Brigham Young. Young told the Saints that they would soon “go back to Jackson county which [I] Expect will be in 7 years.”105 In 1864 George Q. Cannon declared, “[T]he day is near when a Temple shall be reared in the Center Stake of Zion, and the Lord has said his glory shall rest on that House in this generation in which the revelation was given, which is upwards of thirty years ago.”106

[p.172]All agreed the time was short.107 Apostle Orson Hyde prophesied, “I do believe that God is about to come out of his hiding-place and to vex the nation according to his word through the martyred Joseph.”108 “They have made war upon the Saints from the beginning,” said Brigham Young, “and now they will have war to the hilt, until they are used up, root and branch. In the name of Israel’s God, there will not be one of them left upon the earth.”109 In 1860 Hyde predicted, “Will the nation be broken? … The signs in the heavens and upon the earth … were never more portentous over Jerusalem, previous to its destruction, than they are now over the United States of America.”110

Whereas American Protestantism saw the divided nation’s crisis as a just reward for years of slavery, Mormons believed the war was punishment for the murders of Joseph and Hyrum [p.173]Smith. Civil War casualties were seen as avenging blood.1 As early as the 1840s, a widely sung church hymn, “Praise to the Man,” predicted that the earth must atone for Joseph Smith’s death.112 Brigham Young chastised America: “[for] the nation that has slain the Prophet of God and cast out his people will have to pay the debt. They will be broken in pieces like a potter’s vessel; yea worse, they win be ground to powder.”113 In the Mormon temple early participants were admonished to “pray [to] Almighty God to avenge the blood of the prophets upon this nation, and that you will teach the same to your children and your children’s children unto the third and fourth generations.”114 First Presidency member George Q. Cannon recalled that in an [p.174]oath he took in the Nauvoo temple he pledged to “avenge the blood of the martyrs.”115

Utah territorial governor Stephen S. Harding understood Mormon anger at their past treatment at the hands of the government and reported to Secretary of State William H. Seward the LDS belief that, “as the Jewish Nation was cut off and scattered to all parts of the earth, because they rejected the Saviour and crucified him—so the American people … for the consenting of the death of the prophet at Carthage Illinois is to be destroyed.”116

The difficulty, of course, was that instead of giving rise to a holocaust, the war freed the slaves and opposing armies stacked their arms. Even the Emancipation Proclamation was viewed as merely expanding the conflict. The Millennial Star editorialized that “it is beyond the power of President Lincoln or any faction in the nation, either North or South, to prescribe a remedy that will heal the fracture or prevent it widening. The decree of the Lord has gone forth respecting this consumation and no power can prevent its complete fulfillment.”117 When cataclysmic destruction failed to occur, the Saints were forced again to look to a future date for millennial relief.118 Yet even with peace in the East, the Saints were loath to let the conflict go, believing fighting would soon break out again and spread as Joseph’s prophecy [p.175]had decreed.119 It was but the calm before the storm, a “thin gauge over a burning flame which will eventually burst forth like a mighty volcano.”120 Everything being attempted by Congress would only lead to more war, said Brigham Young.121

Soon the “bonds which hold society together” will be destroyed.122 “There will be one more onset against this people by the Gentiles,” declared Heber C. Kimball. “They will make another stroke on us and then there will be such scenes as was never before seen or heard of. The powers of destruction and devastation will be let loose. One scene is passed, but the curtain is about to rise again and oh what will be the next scene.”123 As late as 1866 Utah federal marshal Francis P. Dyer reported that Apostle John Taylor “could not finish” an address “without running on to the one string … that is the down fall of the United States and the building up of Mormonism.”124

[p.176]But Mormon millennial hope was to be placed on hold and chiliastic expectations reassessed.125 When Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox, the reality was that the Union remained intact.126 Government authorities had not flocked to Brigham Young to be saved, and the center stake of Zion, Missouri, had not been laid to waste al-[p.177]lowing the Saints to redeem the land of their inheritance. With North and South reconciled, and the Saints having failed to acquire national and world domination, Mormons again had to push their hoped-for millennial kingdom into the indefinite future.127

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Notes:

1. Therald N. Jensen, “Mormon Theory of Church and State,” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1938, 67-68; Louis G. Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism During the Nineteenth Century with Emphasis on Millennial Developments in Utah,” M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1971, 11; and Klaus J. Hansen, Quest for Empire: The Political Kingdom of God and the Council of Fifty in Mormon History (Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1970), 22.

2. Thomas G. Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Changing Nature of Mormon Religious Experience,” Church History 45 (Mar. 1976): 65.

3. John M. Werly, “Premillennialism and the Paranoid Style,” American Studies 18 (Spring 1977): 40.

4. D. W. Meinig, “The Mormon Nation and the American Empire,” Journal of Mormon History 22 (Spring 1996): 41-45.

5. “Theocracy—Gad’s Solution of the Social Problem,” Millennial Star 18 (23 Feb. 1856): 113-19; “The Kingdom of God,” ibid., 16 (1 Apr. 1854): 193; John Taylor, Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (Liverpool, Eng.: F.D. Richards, 1855-86), 1:225-30, 8 Apr. 1853; Alfred Cordon, ibid., 2:39, 6 Apr. 1853; Heber C. Kimball., ibid., 6:133, 20 Dec. 1857; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 4:340, 7 June 1857; Orson Pratt, ibid., 2:60-61, 7 Oct. 1854; Parley P. Pratt, ibid., 1:172-85, 30 Jan. 1853; Juanita Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout 1844-1861, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1964), 2:435, 11 Apr. 1852; “Record of Andrew Jackson Allen,” TS, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, 15, 23 July 1857; Klaus J. Hansen, “Mormonism and American Culture: Some Tentative Hypotheses,” in The Restoration Movement: Essays in Mormon History, rev. ed., eds. F. Mark McKiernan, Alma R. Blair, and Paul M. Edwards (Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1992), 21.

6. Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints, ed. Fawn M. Brodie (1861, reprint; New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), 334; Andrew Love Neff, History of Utah, 1847-1869 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1940), 107-12.

7. Richard D. Poll and William P. MacKinnon, “Causes of the Utah War Reconsidered,” Journal of Mormon History 20 (Fall 1994): 16; Eugene E. Campbell, “Pioneers and Patriotism: Conflicting Loyalties,” in New Views of Mormon History, eds. Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987), 311-12.

8. Heber C. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 1:36, 11 July 1852; Orson Pratt, ibid., 3:17- 18, 20 May 1855; Charles W. Penrose, “The Second Advent,” Millennial Star 21 (10 Sept. 1859): 581-84.

9. Jedediah M. Grant, Journal of Discourses, 2:145, 2 Apr. 1854.

10. Lorenzo D. Young, Journal of Discourses, 6: 212; 13 Dec. 1857; “Address By President Heber C. Kimball,” Millennial Star 14 (25 Dec. 1852): 693. See also Orson Hyde, Journal of Discourses, 5:141, n.d.; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 5:254, 20 Sept. 1857; Orson Pratt, ibid., 6:202, 24 Jan. 1858; “Pestilence and Plague,” Deseret News, 9 Feb. 1854.

11. George A. Smith, Journal of Discourses, 2:333-34, 24 June 1855. See also Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 1:35, 11 July 1852; Scott G. Kenney, ed., Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 1833-1898, 9 vols. (Midvale, UT: Signature Books, 1983-85), 4:269,6 May 1854; 4:375, 30 Dec. 1855.

12. “The Righteous Gather: The Wicked Perish, Millennial Star 28 (16 June 1866): 377-79; “Emigration,” ibid., 14 (2 Oct. 1852): 597-600; “Come out of her, My People,” ibid., 17 (16 June 1855): 369-71; Orson Pratt, The Seer 2 (Feb. 1854): 215; Orson Pratt, “Preparations For The Second Advent,” ibid., 2 (Aug. 1854): 319.

13. Wallace Stegner, The Gathering of Zion: The Story of the Mormon Trail (1964; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 1. See also Jan Shipps, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 122; “War and Peace,” Millennial Star 14 (9 Oct. 1852): 520-22.

14. Brigham Young to Amasa Lyman, 15 Nov. 1861, in Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 284.

15. In W[alter]. H. G. Armytage, Heavens Below: Utopian Experiments in England, 1560-1960 (Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1961), 264. See also Orson Pratt, The Seer 1 (Nov. 1853): 161.

16. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 6:307-308, 6 Dec. 1866; David John Buerger, The Mysteries of Godliness: A History of Mormon Temple Worship (San Francisco: Smith Research Associates, 1994), 99, 119.

17. Douglas James Davies, Mormon Spirituality: Latter-Day Saints in Wales and Zion (Nottingham, Eng.: University of Nottingham, 1987), 14; Arrington, Brigham Young, 282; Orson Pratt, The Seer 1 (Nov. 1853): 166.

18. W[illiam]. H. Oliver, Prophets and Millennialists (Auckland, New Zealand: Auckland University Press, 1978), 221.

19. James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976), 282-83; Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 2d ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 130-32.

20. Millennial Star 14 (1852): 20, in Armytage, Heavens Below, 265. See also the poem “Farewell to England” in Millennial Star 18 (21 June 1856): 400.

21. Young, Journal of Discourses, 2:33, 6 Apr. 1853; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 78-82.

22. Thomas G. Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Marmon Reformation of 1855-57,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 25 (Summer 1992): 25-26; Paul H. Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation of 1856-1857: The Rhetoric and the Reality,” Journal of Mormon History 15 (1989): 61-64; “Nels Anderson, Desert Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah (1942; reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 151-53.

23. Donald R. Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons: The Utah War (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1992), 123; Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 60, 75; Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Utah: 1540•1886 (San Francisco: The History Co., 1889), 540-41.

24. Gene A. Sessions, Mormon Thunder: A Documentary History of Jedediah Morgan Grant (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 229; Eugene E. Campbell, Establishing Zion: The Mormon Church in the American West, 1847•1869 (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1988), 181-82.

25. Lorenzo Snow, Journal of Discourses, 4:154, 4 Jan. 1857.

26. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 4:502-503, 7 Dec. 1856. See also Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Mormon Reformation of 1855-57,” 27-31.

27. Deseret News, 5 Nov. 1856, in Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 64.

28. Sessions, Mormon Thunder, 207; Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 66-68; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 184-88.

29. Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 61, 71; Leonard J. Arrington, Feramorz Y. Fox, and Dean L. May, Building the City of God: Community & Cooperation Among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976), 63-78.

30. Eugene E. Campbell and Bruce L. Campbell, “Divorce among Mormon Polygamists: Extent and Explanations,” Utah Historical Quarterly 46 (Winter 1978): 4-23. A 65-percent increase in new plural marriages occurred in 1856-57. See Stanley S. Ivins, “Notes on Polygamy,” Western Humanities Review 10 (Summer 1956): 231.

31. Wilford Woodruff to George A. Smith, 1 Apr. 1857, Journal History, LDS church archives, in Richard S. Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1989), 92.

32. In Campbell, Establishing Zion, 107

33. Gustive O. Larson, “The Mormon Reformation,” Utah Historical Quarterly 26 (Jan. 1958): 47; Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Mormon Reformation of 1855-57,” 36; Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 59, 66-67; B[righam]. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 6 vols. (1930; reprint, Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1965), 4:126-30, 242-44; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 199.

34. Norman F. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 1850-1859 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1960), 84; Thomas F. O’Dea, The Mormons (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 101; Orson Pratt, “Latter-Day Zion.” The Seer 2 (May 1854): 270.

35. Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt (1938; reprint, Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1979), 444.

36. Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 2:627, 29 May 1857.

37. Ibid., 2:628, 14 June 1857. See also Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:54, 31 May 1857; 5:58, 14 June 1857.

38. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 18-20; Juanita Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre (1950; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1991), 18; Shirley Greenwood Jones, “Brigham Young’s Rhetoric: A Critical and Cultural Analysis of Key Sermons in Five Rhetorical Events,” Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1992, 207-208.

39. Young, Journal of Discourses, 1:187, 19 June 1853. See also Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 5:160-64, 30 Aug. 1857; “Church and Kingdom of God,” Millennial Star 20 (6 Mar. 1858): 145-48.

40. Richard D. Poll, Quixotic Mediator: Thomas L. Kane and the Utah War (Ogden, UT: Weber State College Press, 1985), 3; Everett L. Cooley, “Carpetbag Rule—Territorial Government in Utah,” Utah Historical Quarterly 26 (Apr. 1959): 107-29; Leonard J. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1900 (1958; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1966), 174; Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 29, 59-66; Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 11-16; William P. MacKinnon, “125 Years of Conspiracy Theories: Origins of the Utah Expedition of 1857-58,” Utah Historical Quarterly 52 (Summer 1984): 212-30; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 233-34.

41. New York Times, 30 Mar. 1857, in Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 87.

42. Orson Hyde Sermon, 7 Oct. 1857, Journal History, in Peterson, “The Mormon Reformation,” 78.

43. Pratt, Journal of Discourses, 6:202, 24 Jan 1858. See also “Government,” Millennial Star 19 (19 Dec. 1857): 804.

44. “Record of Andrew Jackson Allen,” 14 Mar. 1858. See also Young, Journal of Discourses, 5:98, 2 Aug. 1857.

45. Mormon apocalyptic sentiments have been recognized in Arrington and Bitton, The Mormon Experience, 169; Poll and MacKinnon, “Causes of the Utah War Reconsidered,” 36-38; Poll, Quixotic Mediator, 8; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 238-39; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 102; Eugene E. Campbell, “Pioneers and Patriotism: Conflicting Loyalties,” in New Views of Mormon History, eds. Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987), 312-13.

46. Everett L. Cooley, ed., Diary of Brigham Young; 1857 (Salt Lake City: Tanner Trust Fund, 1980), 56-57, 4-8 Aug. 1857; 68, 29 Aug. 1857; 80, 14-15 Sept. 1857; Poll and MacKinnon, “Causes of the Utah War Reconsidered,” 18; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 98-99; Arrington, Brigham Young, 253-55.

47. Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 22; Jones, “Brigham Young’s Rhetoric,” 218-19.

48. John Taylor, Deseret News, 23 Sept. 1857.

49. Cooley, Diary of Brigham Young 1857, 58, 11 Aug. 1857.

50. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:230, 1 Nov. 1858. For examples of church leaders expounding millennial warning during the Utah War period, see Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 4:371, 28 June 1857; Young, ibid., 12:119, 17 Aug. 1857; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 5:218, 6 Sept. 1856; Jedediah M. Grant, ibid., 2:148, 2 Apr. 1854; Wilford Woodruff, ibid., 6:121, 6 Dec. 1857; Lorenzo D. Young, ibid., 6:225, 25 Oct. 1857.

51. Young, Journal of Discourses, 6:225, 25 Oct. 1857. See also Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley, A Journey to Great-Salt-Lake City…, 2 vols. (London: W. Jeffs, 1861), 1:142-43, 2:249-52.

52. Rich Diary, TS, Lee Library, Brigham Young University, 7 Oct. 1857, in Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 95.

53. Woodruff, Journal of Discourses, 6:121, 6 Dec. 1857; Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:126-31, 2 Dec. 1857. For additional declarations that God would fight the Saints’ battles, see Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 5:340, 18 Oct. 1857; Brigham Young, ibid., 5:171, 30 Aug. 1857; Brigham Young, ibid., 5:293, 4 Oct. 1857; George A. Smith, ibid., 5:168, 30 Aug. 1857.

54. Pratt, Journal of Discourses, 6:204, 24 Jan. 1858. For examples of church leaders prophesying that Utah would be a place of refuge from the world, see Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 10:38-39, 9 Mar. 1862; Brigham Young, ibid., 4:342-44, 7 June 1857; Brigham Young, ibid., 8:356, 3 Mar. 1861; Brigham Young, ibid., 10:294, 15 May 1864; George A. Smith, ibid., 3:289, 6 Apr. 1856; John Taylor, ibid., 20:135-36, 1 Dec. 1878; John Taylor, ibid., 21:255, 21 Mar. 1880; John Taylor, ibid., 20:266-67, 2 Mar. 1879; John Taylor, ibid., 21:8, 31 Aug. 1879; Orson Pratt, ibid., 3:302, 6 Apr. 1856; Orson Hyde, ibid., 20:99-100, 3 Nov. 1878; George Q. Cannon, ibid., 14:31, 8 Jan. 1871; George Q. Cannon, ibid., 22:179, 12 June 1881; George Q. Cannon, ibid., 23:105, 20 Nov. 1881; Franklin D. Richards, ibid., 24:282, 6 Oct. 1883; Moses Thatcher, ibid., 26:334, 8 Oct. 1855; George Q. Cannon, “Remarks By President George Q. Cannon,” Deseret News 17 (26 July 1884): 1.

55. Cumming to The People of Utah Territory, 21 Nov. 1858, in Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier, 2:646, 29 Nov. 1857; Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 166. While waiting out the winter near Fort Bridger, a civilian grand jury under the jurisdiction of newly appointed territorial chief justice Delana R. Eckels indicted Brigham Young, Daniel Wells, Lot Smith, and other Mormons for treason. See Furniss, 167. Two versions of Young’s proclamation are found in Cooley, Diary of Brigham Young, 82-83.

56. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:131, 4 Dec. 1857; Brooks, The Mountain Meadows Massacre, 144-47; Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 138-42.

57. Poll and MacKinnon, “Causes of the Utah War Reconsidered,” 23-25, 40.

58. In Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 116. For church leaders’ declarations that the thread between Utah and the national government had been cut and “no officer appointed by government … should come and rule over us from this time forth,” see Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier, 2:636, 6 Sept. 1857: Jessie Bigler Martin Diary, Special Collections, Lee Library, 13 Sept. 1857; John Pulsipher Journal, TS, Utah State Historical Society, Salt Lake City, 6-7 Oct. 1857; Deseret News, 12 Aug. 1857.

59. Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 30.

60. Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier, 2:654, 18 Mar. 1858; Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 123; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 241-42; Cooley, Diary of Brigham Young, 85-86n83.

61. Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 18-20.

62. Richard D. Poll, “The Move South,” Brigham Young University Studies 29 (Fall 1989): 65-88.

63. Clifford L. Stott, Search for Sanctuary: Brigham Young and the White Mountain Expedition (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1984), 29, 47-84; Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 184-85. See also Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 5:336-43, 18 Oct. 1857.

64. Poll, Quixotic Mediator, 13, 18; Richard D. Poll, “Thomas L. Kane and the Utah War,” Utah Historical Quarterly 61 (Spring 1993): 112-35; Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 176•82; Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 30-42; Campbell, Establishing Zion, 244-45; Arrington, Brigham Young, 261-63.

65. Furniss, The Mormon Conflict, 188; Poll, “The Move South,” 78. On church leadership discussion of the public relations benefit of Mormon flight into the wilderness, see Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier, 2:654, 18 Mar. 1858. See also Cooley, Diary of Brigham Young, 60-6n61; Neff, History of Utah, 499-502.

66. Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom, 177-78, 188-94; Poll, “The Move South,” 84. The financial loss at the San Bernardino colony is detailed in Edward Leo Lyman, San Bernardino: The Rise and Fall of a California Community (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1996), 371-422.

67. Poll and MacKinnon, “Causes of the Utah War Reconsidered,” 41.

68. Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 81.

69. Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints (New York: D. Appletone and Co., 1873), 375; Ronald W. Walker, “The Stenhouses and the Making of a Mormon Image,” Journal of Mormon History 1 (1974): 53.

70. One enthusiastic Mormon refused to relent in his apocalyptic hopes and attempted to establish his own millenarian movement within thirty miles of Salt Lake City. See C. LeRoy Anderson, Joseph Morris and the Saga of the Morrisites (1981; reprint, Logan: Utah State University Press, 1988).

71. The Pearl of Great Price: Being a Choice Selection from the Revelations, Translations, and Narrations of Joseph Smith (Liverpool, Eng.: F.D. Richards, 1851), 35; Doctrine and Covenants, 1981 ed., 87, 130:12-13; Robert Glass Cleland and Juanita Brooks, eds., A Mormon Chronicle: The Diaries of John D. Lee, 1848-1876, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1983), 1:255-56, 20 May 1860; Diary of William McIntosh, TS, Special Collections, Lee Library, 81, 10 June 1861; “The ‘Times’ on the American War,” Millennial Star (11 July 1863): 441-42; Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 9:367, 31 Aug. 1862; Brigham Young, ibid., 8:195, 7 Oct. 1860; Brigham Young, ibid., 9:367-68, 31 Aug. 1862; E[verette]. B. Long, The Saints and the Union: Utah Territory During the Civil War (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 25-26; Neff, History of Utah, 619-20.

72. For contemporary non-Mormon sources crediting Joseph Smith’s prophecy with predicting the war, see Philadelphia Sunday Mercury 11 (5 May 1861). The article was reprinted in the Royal Leamington Spa Courier (England), 1 June 1861; “A Remarkable Revelation—Was Joseph Smith A True Prophet,” The New York Bee, in “Opinions of the Press,” Millennial Star (25 May 1861): 330-31; “Opinions of the Press,” ibid. (29 June 1861): 404. See also Boyd L. Eddins, “The Mormons and the Civil War,” M.S. thesis, Utah State University, 1966, iv.

73. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:526, 30 Dec. 1860; 5:527-29, 31 Dec. 1860; Stenhouse, The Rocky Mountain Saints, 420-21. See also the following examples: “Review Of Past And Present Events,” Millennial Star 23 (1 Jan. 1861): 34; “Civil War In America—Its Importance As A Warning To The Saints,” ibid., 23 (11 May 1861): 297-300; “Blindness of the World to the Signs of the Times,” ibid., (21 June 1862): 393-96; “The Fulfillment of Prophecy,” ibid., 24 (23 Aug. 1862): 529-33; “Emancipation Of The Slaves—The Prophet Joseph’s Plan-Results Of Its Rejection,” ibid., 25 (14 Feb. 1863): 97-101; “Minutes Of A District Conference,” ibid., 26 (13 Aug. 1864): 517-18; Charles W. Penrose, “A Universal Kingdom,” ibid., 27 (30 Sept. 1865): 608-12; Wilford Woodruff, Journal of Discourses, 10:13, 27 July 1862; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 10:46, 4 May 1862; Orson Hyde, ibid., 10:376, 18 Dec. 1864; John Taylor, ibid., 11:26, 11 Dec. 1864.

74. Klaus J. Hansen, “The Millennium, the West, and Race in the Antebellum American Mind,” Western Historical Quarterly 3 (Oct. 1972): 385.

75. Abraham Lincoln, “Second Inaugural Address,” 4 Mar. 1865, in James D. Richardson, comp., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 20 vols. (New York: Bureau of National Literature, 1917), 7:3478. See also Walter E. Wiest, “Lincoln’s Political Ethic: An Alternative to American Millennialism,” American Journal of Theology and Philosophy 4 (Sept. 1983): 125.

76. James H. Moorhead, American Apocalypse: Yankee Protestants and the Civil War, 1860•1869 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978), 42-81; Ernest Lee Tuveson, Redeemer Nation: The Idea of America’s Millennial Role (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 137-96; Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1800-1930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), 42-58, 94-101; James H. Moorhead, “Between Progress and Apocalypse: A Reassessment of Millennialism in American Religious Thought, 1800-1880,” Journal of American History 71 (Dec. 1984): 524-35; Dietrich G. Buss, “Meeting of Heaven and Earth: A Survey and Analysis of the Literature on Millennialism in America, 1965-1985,” Fides et Historia 20 (Jan. 1988): 14; Barkun, Crucible of the Millennium, 28-29; Ronald D. Rietveld, “The American Civil War: Millennial Hope, Political Chaos, and a Two-Sided Just War,’’’ in The Wars of America: Christian Views, ed. Ronald A. Wells (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1981), 67-90.

77. Eddins, “The Mormons and the Civil War,” 9.

78. Wilford Woodruff, Journal of Discourses, 1l:248, 22 Oct. 1865.

79. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:616, 31 Dec. 1861; 6:305, 17 Dec. 1866; Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 8:123, 15 July 1860; George A. Smith, ibid., 9:69, 10 Mar. 1861; Orson Pratt, The Seer 2 (Feb. 1854): 215. For an example, see Albert P. Rockwood’s dream, with interpretation by Wilford Woodruff, in Journal History, 26 Feb. 1861.

80. “Record of Andrew Jackson Allen,” 49-50, 19 Dec. 1860, 1 Feb 1861. See also Heber C. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 5:218, 6 Sept. 1856; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 5:255, 20 Sept. 1857; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 9:134-35, 12 May 1861; George A. Smith, ibid., 3:289, 6 Aug. 1856; Millennial Star 22 (16 June 1860): 378.

81. Charles W. Penrose, “The Second Advent,” Millennial Star 21 (10 Sept. 1859): 584.

82. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:87, 30 Aug. 1857; George U. Hubbard, “Abraham Lincoln As Seen By The Mormons,” Utah Historical Quarterly 31 (Spring 1963): 95-96; Roberts, A Comprehensive History of the Church, 4:221-22. For Douglas’s denunciation of Utah Mormonism, see Neff, History of Utah, 458-60; Vern L. Bullough, “Polygamy: An Issue in the Election of 1860?” Utah Historical Quarterly 29 (Apr. 1961): 119-26.

83. Richard D. Poll, “The Mormon Question Enters National Politics, 1850-1856,” Utah Historical Quarterly 25 (Apr. 1957): 117-31.

84. Long, The Saints and the Union, 26.

85. Moorman, Camp Floyd and the Mormons, 275; Gustive O. Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” Utah Historical Quarterly 33 (Winter 1965): 58-63.

86. Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 8:172, 16 Sept. 1860; Brigham Young, ibid., 10:250, 6 Oct. 1863; Joshua Williams, Millennial Star 23 (30 Nov. 1861): 774-75; A. Karl Larson and Katharine Miles Larson, eds., Diary of Charles Lowell Walker, 2 vols. (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1980), 1:102, 1 Jan. 1860; Burton, The City of the Saints, 339; Long, The Saints and the Union, 8-10.

87. Deseret News, 10 July 1861, in Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” 57.

88. Journal History, 30 Oct. 1862: Alvin M. Josephy, Jr., The Civil War in the American West (1991: reprint, New York: Random House, 1993), 246-55: Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” 59-60; Margaret M. Fisher, compo and ed., Utah and the Civil War (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1929): Long, The Saints and the Union, 82-93, 107-17: Gaylon L. Caldwell, “‘Utah Has Not Seceded’: A Footnote to Local History,” Utah Historical Quarterly 26 (Apr. 1958): 174-75: Campbell, Establishing Zion, 293-94: Arrington, Brigham Young, 296: Neff, History of Utah, 630-31.

89. John Taylor, Journal of Discourses, 11:26, 11 Dec. 1864. See also Eddins, “The Mormons and the Civil War,” iv, 36-37.

90. “Universal Empire,” Millennial Star 23 (5 Oct. 1861): 635-38; “The Future Prospects of the Saints,” ibid., 26 (14 May 1864): 312-13; “The Impending Cloud,” ibid., 22 (4 Feb. 1860): 65-68; “Reign of Terror in America,” ibid., 68-69: “Modern Prophecy And Its Fulfillment,” ibid., 27 (25 Mar. 1865): 184-90; “Civil War in America—Its importance as a Warning to the Saints,” ibid., (11 May 1861): 299: Heber C. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 5:93, 26 July 1857: Long, The Saints and the Union, 20.

91. Young to William H. Hooper, 20 Dec. 1860, Coe Collection, Yale University Library, in Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” 56. See also “Divisions and Revolutions Which Threaten Babylon,” Millennial Star 23 (2 Nov. 1861): 707-10.

92. Larson and Larson, Diary of Charles Walker, 1:225, 27 Apr. 1862. See also “The Consummation Decreed Upon All Nations,” Millennial Star 25 (4 Apr. 1863): 211-13.

93. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 9:7, 6 Apr. 1861. See also Orson Pratt, “Latter-Day Zion,” The Seer 2 (May 1854): 268-69.

94. Deseret News, 28 Nov. 1860, in Long, The Saints and the Union, 13-14.

95. Young, Journal of Discourses, 8:324, 10 Feb. 1861.

96. Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 10:209, 14 June 1863; Brigham Young, ibid., 8:230, 21 Oct. 1860.

97. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 5:526-27, 30 Dec. 1860.

98. Ibid., 5:529, 31 Dec. 1860.

99. Ibid., 5:617, 31 Dec. 1861; 5:529, 31 Dec. 1860; Journal History, 1 May 1861. The isolationist sentiment of this era is distinctly different from Woodruff’s feelings during the Spanish American War when then-church-president Woodruff commented on Utah’s need to support the nation against Spain. See ibid., 25 Apr. 1896. See also Alexander, “Wilford Woodruff and the Changing Nature,” 69; and Alexander, Things in Heaven and Earth, 320-21. For a more complete examination, see D. Michael Quinn, “The Mormon Church and the Spanish-American War: An End to Selective Pacifism,” Pacific Historical Review 43 (Aug. 1974): 342-46; Ronald W. Walker, “Sheaves, Bucklers and the State: Mormon Leaders Respond to the Dilemmas of War,” Sunstone 7 (July-Aug. 1982): 43-56.

100. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 6:40, 14 Apr. 1862; 6:92, 19 Jan. 1863; Hansen, Quest for Empire, 167-68; Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” 61-62; Arrington, Brigham Young, 268. See also Journal History, 24 Mar. 1864.

101. Heber C. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 9:7, 6 Apr. 1861; John Taylor, ibid., 9:343,13 Apr. 1862; Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight from American Pluralism (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1989), 30.

102. Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 9:137, 28 July 1861; Brigham Young, ibid., 10:38-39, 9 Mar. 1862; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 8:108, 1 July 1860; “Civilized Warfare In Missouri,” Millennial Star 25 (25 July 1863): 470-71; “Civil War in America—Its Importance As A Warning To The Saints,” ibid. (11 May 1861): 300; “A Dreary Picture,” ibid (7 Sept. 1861): 581; “News From Home,” ibid. (12 Oct. 1861): 662; Orson Hyde, “A Timely Warning from An Apostle of Jesus Christ,” ibid. (3 May 1862): 273-75; “History of Brigham Young,” ibid., 26 (5 Nov. 1864): 712; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 120; Campbell, “Pioneers and Patriotism,” 318-19.

103. H. W. Barnett, “Literal Gathering of the House of Israel,” Millennial Star 23 (3 Aug. 1861): 484-86: ibid., 22 (27 July 1860): 424-25: “Devastation in Jackson Co. Mo.,” St. Joseph Herald, 18 Oct. 1863, in Journal History, 18 Oct. 1863: Larson and Larson, Diary of Charles Walker, 1:135, 22 Aug. 1860; 1:242-43, 31 Dec. 1863: Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 6:147, 1 Jan. 1864: Luke William Gallup to Nancy Williams, 2 July 1862, Luke William Gallup Collection, LDS church archives; Cleland and Brooks, A Mormon Chronicle, 1:255-56, 20 May 1860; ibid., 1:296-97, 14 Feb. 1861: Isaac Chauncy Haight Journal, TS, LDS church archives, 120, 7 Dec. 1862: George Laub Diaries, TS, Utah State Historical Society, 2, 155-56; Journal History, 1 Jan. 1864: Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 9:142, 28 July 1861: George A. Smith, ibid., 9:69, 10 Mar. 1861. See also Eddins, “The Mormons and the Civil War,” 64-96.

104. Millennial Star 27 (1865): 204, in Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 120. See also “The Fulfillment of Prophecy,” Millennial Star 34 (23 Aug. 1862): 529-33.

105. Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 6:71, 23 Aug. 1862: Journal History, 22 Aug. 1862: Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 8:33, 5 Apr. 1860. See also Orson Pratt, “Preparations For The Second Advent,” The Seer 2 (Aug. 1854): 131; Times and Seasons 6 (1 July 1845): 956.

106. Cannon, Journal of Discourses, 10:344, 23 Oct. 1864. See also “Record of Andrew Jackson Allen,” 14 Mar. 1858.

107. “Blindness Of The World To The Signs Of The Times,” Millennial Star 24 (21 June 1862): 393-96; “Uneasiness of the Nations of the Earth—Its Causes,” ibid., 39 (27 Sept. 1862): 609-11; G. E. Grove, “The Consumption Decreed Upon All Nations,” ibid., 14 (4 Apr. 1863): 211-12; Ezra T. Benson, Journal of Discourses, 10:152, 6 Apr. 1863; Orson Pratt, ibid., 8:49, 8 Apr. 1860; Brigham Young, ibid., 8:134, 29 July 1860.

108. Hyde, Journal of Discourses, 6:12-13, n.d. See also “Consequences of Rejecting the Message of Truth,” Millennial Star 32 (9 Aug. 1862): 497-99.

109. Young, Journal of Discourses, 8:230, 21 Oct. 1860. See also “Blindness Of The World To The Signs Of The Times,” Millennial Star 24 (21 June 1862): 393-96.

110. Hyde, Journal of Discourses, 8:237, 7 Oct. 1860. Numerous discourses with similar sentiments can be cited. For a sampling, see Heber C. Kimball, Journal of Discourses, 9:55, 14 Apr. 1861; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 9:131, 6 Jan. 1861; Brigham Young, ibid., 8:336, 17 Feb. 1861; Brigham Young, ibid., 9:321, 6 July 1862; Brigham Young, ibid., 9:333, 3 Aug. 1862. The Mormon press presented the same position. See “The Dark Day of the United States,” Millennial Star 22 (28 Jan. 1860): 49-53; “‘Civilized’ Warfare in Missouri,” ibid., 25 (25 July 1863): 470-71; “A Direful Vengeance And An Unlooked-for Avenger,” ibid., 25 (14 Nov. 1863): 728-29; Joseph G. Romney, “The Fulfillment of the Purposes of God,” ibid., 26 (11 June 1864): 366•71; “Modern Prophecy And Fulfillment,” ibid., 27 (25 Mar. 1865): 184•90.

111. Journal History, 1 Jan. 1864; “Retribution Justice—The Enemies of the Church Guilty of the Crimes Charged on the Saints,” Millennial Star 23 (23 Nov. 1861): 755-58; “The Dark Day of the United States.” ibid., 22 (28 Jan. 1860): 49-53; “A Direful Vengeance And An Unlooked-For Avenger,” ibid., 25 (14 Nov. 1863): 728-29; Joseph Romney, “The Fulfillment of the Purposes of God,” ibid., 26 (11 June 1864): 366-71; “Consequences of National Sin,” ibid., 30 (15 Feb. 1868): 105-108; Orson Hyde, Journal of Discourses, 7:51-53, n.d.; Brigham Young, ibid., 12:119, 17 Aug. 1867; Wilford Woodruff, ibid., 10:15,27 July 1862; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 10:46, 4 May 1862; Heber C. Kimball, ibid., 8:245, 15 July 1860; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 117-26.

112. The song was first printed in the Times and Seasons, 1 Aug. 1844, and can be found in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Salt Lake City: Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, 1985), 27. See also “History of Peter Nielson (Autobiography),” translated from the Danish by Orson B. West, TS, LDS church archives, 367-68, for a retrospective entry for the year 1864. See also Long, The Saints and the Union, 25; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism.” 118; Neff, History of Utah, 620-22.

113. Young, Journal of Discourses, 9:368, 31 Aug. 1862.

114. Walter M. Wolfe, in Proceeding Before The Committee On Privileges And Elections Of The United States Senate In The Matter Of The Protests Against The Right Of Hon. Reed Smoot A Senator From The State Of Utah, To Hold His Seat, 4 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1906), 4:6-7, (emphasis added).

115. Abraham Hoagland Cannon Diaries, photocopy of MS, Special Collections, Lee Library, 6 Dec. 1889. For a full discussion of the evolution of the retribution oath in the temple endowment ceremony, see David John Buerger, “The Development of the Mormon Temple Endowment Ceremony,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 20 (Winter 1987): 33-76; Buerger, The Mysteries of Godliness, 133-35.

116. Harding to William H. Seward, 30 Aug. 1862, Territorial Papers, Utah Territory, 1860-73, vol. 2:553-54, in Larson, “Utah and the Civil War,” 69; emphasis in original. See also Burton, The City of the Saints, 276; Brooks, On the Mormon Frontier, 2:558, 4 July 1855.

117. “Emancipation of the Slaves—The Prophet Joseph’s Plan—Results of Its Rejection,” Millennial Star 7 (14 Feb. 1863): 98.

118. Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,”

119. Eddins, “The Mormons and the Civil War,” 122-38.

120. Cleland and Brooks, A Mormon Chronicle, 2:117, 1 May 1869; Orson Hyde, Journal of Discourses, 11:154, 7 Oct. 1865; Larson and Larson, Diary of Charles Walker, 1:249,7 Aug. 1865; “The New Rebellion And Carnival of Murder,” Millennial Star 30 (7 Nov. 1868): 710-11; “The Dangerous State of the Country,” ibid., 30 (24 Oct. 1868): 684-85.

121. “Corruptions of United States Officials,” Millennial Star 29 (15 June 1867): 376-78; “Secret Combinations,” ibid., 30 (30 May 1868): 344-48; “Cattle Plague in the U.S.,” ibid., 30 (19 Sept. 1868): 594-96; Brigham Young, Journal of Discourses, 12:120, 17 Aug. 1867. For the continued belief that the prophecies of Joseph Smith would yet be fulfilled, see Brigham Young, ibid., 12:242, 25 July 1868; Brigham Young, ibid., 12:285, 8 Oct. 1868; “‘Chain Gang Of States,’ Congress Inaugurated A Revolution—A War Of Races In Prospect,” Millennial Star, 25 (21 Apr. 1866): 246-48.

122. Charles Penrose, “The Impeachment of President Johnson,” Millennial Star 30 (25 Apr. 1868): 260-63.

123. Journal History, 13 May 1865.

124. Dyer to Addison Pratt, 19 Aug. 1866, in Hansen, Quest for Empire, 168•69, emphasis in original. See also “Wars And Rumors Of Wars,” Millennial Star 32 (16 Aug. 1870): 520-22; “War.” ibid., 34 (10 Sept. 1877): 579-81; “Historical Contrast Betwixt the 27th of June 1844, And the 14th of April 1865.” ibid., 27 (1 July 1865): 408-13; “Hand of God Among the Nations,” ibid., 30 (5 Sept. 1868): 568-76; “The Famine In India,” ibid., 28 (29 Sept. 1866): 615-16; “Political Crisis In America,” ibid., 28 (6 Oct. 1866): 628~29; “Prospects of Another American War,” ibid., 630~31; “The American Nation’s Doom,” ibid., 29 (6 Oct. 1866): 633-35; “Testimony of Earthquakes to the Nearness of The Lord’s Second Coming,” ibid., 31 (13 Feb. 1869): 119; “Remarks By President George Q. Cannon,” Deseret News, 26 July 1884, 1; George W. Lamb Diary. Huntington Library, San Marino, California, 4 Mar. 1873; “Record of Andrew Jackson Allen,” 97-98, 21 Sept. 1873; John Druce to Brigham Young, 3 Feb. 1877, Brigham Young Correspondence, LDS church archives.

125. Pomeroy Tucker, Origin, Rise, and Progress of Mormonism… (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1867), 220-21. See also Orson Pratt, Journal of Discourses, 14:62, 26 Mar. 1871. Prior to the 1921 edition of the Doctrine and Covenants, section 87, verse 3, read, “[T]hus wars shall be poured out upon all nations.” This provided a causal relationship between the “rebellion of South Carolina,” the southern states calling on Great Britain and other nations, and the end of the world. In the early twentieth century World War 1 was again seen as fulfilling Joseph’s prophecy that war would consume the earth. But after the war, a 1921 apostolic revision committee changed the word “thus” to “then,” softening the cause-and-effect relationship between American Civil War events and the “consumption decreed” upon all nations. See Doctrine and Covenants, 87:3, 6; Robert J. Woodford, “The Historical Development of the Doctrine and Covenants,” Ph.D. diss., Brigham Young University, 1974, 1118-9; Anthony A. Hutchinson, “Prophetic Foreknowledge: Hope and Fulfillment in an Inspired Community,” Sunstone 11 (July 1987): 17. Compare with Wilford Woodruff’s linking of Civil War events to Christ’s return: “the union has been dissolved[,] … the spirit of God is being withdrawn from the Nation[,] … great destruction awaits the Nation[,] … great Events await all Nations and the way is preparing for the Coming of the Lord Jesus Christ.” See Kenney, Wilford Woodruff’s Journal, 6:147, 1 Jan. 1864.

126. According to Hubert Howe Bancroft, just days before the surrender at Appomattox, Brigham Young predicted that there would be “yet four [more] years of civil war.” See Bancroft, History of Utah: 1540-1886 (San Francisco: The History Co., 1889), 606.

127. Long, The Saints and the Union, 267; Reinwand, “An Interpretive Study of Mormon Millennialism,” 134-37.