Lucy’s Book
Edited by Lavina Fielding Anderson

Part 5. The Missouri Years 

[p. 624] The Smith Family in Missouri

Part 5. The Missouri Experience


Lucy: 1844-45

Coray/Pratt: 1853



[p.625]when I went to him and with a consequence to take him to the rest of his family <and> we did not go to Kirtland but were shortly on our way together right glad to meet again after so many perilous adventures alive and in health [p.625]When we were ready to start on our journey,1 I went to New Portage, and brought my husband to his family, and we all proceeded together on our journey, highly delighted to enjoy each other’s society again, after so long a separation.
almost as soon as we set were on our way the my sons began to have calls to preach and they soon found that if they would yield to the solicitation our journey would have been a preaching mission of very great length— As soon as we had got fairly started, our sons began to have calls to preach, and they directly discovered that if they should yield to every solicitation, our journey would be a preaching mission of no inconsiderable length, which was quite inconsistent with the number and situation of our family.
And they were obliged to notify the people where we stopped that they could not preach to them at all as we had not means suficient to take us through in case of so much detainure2 as must necessarily occur [p.626]if they stopped to preach they however sowed the seeds of the gospel in many places and and were the means in the hands of God of doing much good—A They therefore stopped preaching, while on their journey, and we proceeded as fast as possible, under the disadvantageous circumstances with which we were frequently surrounded.
We travelled on through many trials and difficulties Sometimes we lay in our tents through a driving storm at others we traveled on foot is thrugh marshes and quagmires on foot in exposing our <selves> result by getting our feet <clothes> <to> wet and cold [p.626]Sometimes we lay in our tents, through driving storms; at other times, we were travelling on foot through marshes and quagmires.
one night before we arrived at the mississipi river we lay all night beneath <in> the rain which descended in torrents and I being more exposed than the other females suffered much with the cold and upon getting up in the morning I found that a quilted skirt which I had worn the day before was wringing wet but I could not mend the matter by changing that for another for the rain was still falling and I wore it in this situation for 3 days in consequence of this I took a severe cold and was very sick so that when we arrived at the Missisipi ou <I> was unable to sit up any length and could not walk without assistance Once in particular, we lay all night exposed to the rain, which fell in torrents, so that when I arose in the morning, I found that my clothing was perfectly saturated with the rain. However, I could not mend the matter by a change of dress, for the rain was still falling rapidly, and I wore my clothes in this situation three days; in consequence of which, I took a severe cold, so that when we arrived at the Mississippi river, I was unable to walk or sit up.
[p.627]soon after we crossed this river we stopped at a negro hut a most unlovely place but we could go no farther here my grand daugter Katharinge gave birth to a fine Girl which she called [blank] [p.627]After crossing this river, we stopped at a negro hut, a most unlovely place, yet the best shelter we could find. This hut was the birth-place of Catharine’s daughter.3
—the next morning we set out to find a more comfortable situation for her and succeeded in getting a place about 4 miles distant (and my poor Child was carried from the loathsome hut to this house in a double waggon the same day it was then agreed that My oldest daughter Sophronia and her husband she [blank] Mcloren should stay with Catharine and that Mr Smith and the remainder of the party would go to make what speed they could to Huntsville, with me The next day my husband succeeded in getting a comfortable place, about four miles distant, for Catharine and her infant daughter,4 and they were carried thither, on a lumber waggon, the same day. We then agreed that Sophronia, and her second husband, Mc Lerry,5 should stop and take care of Catharine; while Mr. Smith and the remainder of the party, should take me, and make what speed they could to Huntsville.6
for I was no longer able to ride in a sitting posture but laid on a bedstead with my carefully covered as the fresh air kept me coughing continually I My husband did not much expect me to live to the end of the journey <for in going to Huntsville I could not travel sometimes more than 4 miles a day—> but as soon as we arrived at Huntsville [p.628]<there> He sought a place where we might stop sometime and all that nursing would do for me might be done— Our progress was but slow, for I was unable to travel more than four miles a day,7 on account of a violent cough with which I was afflicted; however, we at length arrived there, and succeeded in getting a place where we could stay for some considerable length of time, if we should think proper to do so.

Lucy: 1844-45

[p.628]It was my own request going so far as Huntsville but they did not know why I urged the matter the fact was I had an impression that if I could get there and by some means be able to by the assistance of walking sticks to find a place where I would be secluded and uninterrupted in calling upon the Lord that I might be healed

Lucy: 1844-45

and accordingly I seized upon a time when they were engaged and by the aid of staffs I reached A fence and then followed the fence some distance till I came to a dense hazel thicket here I threw myself on the ground and thought it was no matter how far I was from the house for if the Lord would not hear me and I must die I might as well die here as any where when I was a little rested I began to call upon God to beseech his mercy praying for my health and that the life of my daughter catharine I urged every claim which the scriptures had gives us and made was as humble as I knew how to be and I continued praying near 3 hours. I at last received was entirely releived from pain and my cough left me and I was well moreover I received an assurance that I should hear from my <sick> daughter about the middle of the same day I arose and went to the house in as good health as I ever enjoyed.

Coray/Pratt: 1853

The next morning after our arrival, the family being absent I seized the opportunity to make an effort to get far enough from the house to pray without interruption. Accordingly, I took a staff in each hand, and, by the assistance which they afforded me, I was enabled to reach a dense thicket, which lay some distance from the house. As soon as I was sufficiently rested to speak with ease, I commenced calling upon the Lord, beseeching him to restore me to health, as well as my daughter Catharine. I urged every claim which is afforded us by the Scriptures, and continued praying faithfully for three hours, at the end of which time, I was relieved of8 every kind of pain, my cough left me, and I was well.

[p.629]at one oclock Jenkins Saulsbury9 came to where we were and said that his wife was better and thought if she had a carriage to ride in she could proceed on her journey [p.629]At one o’clock, Wilkins J. Salisbury, Catharine’s husband, came to Huntsville, and informed us that Catharine was so much better, that, if she had a carriage to ride in, she could proceed on her journey.
The next morning he went back with a carriage and the first day she rode 50 miles10 and the day after 10 miles which brought her to Huntsville here After getting a carriage, Salisbury returned to his wife, who was forty miles from Huntsville, and the first day she travelled, she rode thirty miles. The second day, it commenced raining quite early in the morning, and continued to rain all day. However, this did not stop Catharine; she started about eight o’clock and arrived at the abovenamed place a little before noon.
When she got there We were holding a meeting and did not expect her as the rain had been pouring down in torrents all the forenoon for She was cold and her bed was very wet although they drove at with great speed as soon as She was put into a dry bed she had a dreadful ague fit we and we called the elders to lay hands upon her this helped her but she continued weak and inclined to chills and fever for a long time When she got to Huntsville she was wet and cold. We put her immediately into a dry bed, and soon after she had an ague fit. The Elders were called to lay hands upon her, after which she seemed better, but continued weak and inclined to chills and fever sometime.11
the day after She came I with my washed a very large quantity of clothes with as much ease as though I had not been out of health at all The day following I washed a quantity of clothes, and then we proceeded on our journey, and met with no further difficulty until we arrived at Far West.12
When our company was all gathered together we set out for started on our journey again and arrived at Far West without any further difficulty.  
[p.630]There we met Joseph and Hyrum in good health as they were had heard by William and carlos who went into Far West before us of my sickness and were surprized to see me in so good health. We moved into a small log house having but one room a very inconveinient place for so large a family13 when Joseph saw how we were situated he said that proposed to us to take a large tavern house which he had recently purchased from brother Gilbert and keep a tavern and we did so [p.630]We moved into a small log house, having but one room, a very inconvenient place for so large a family. Joseph saw how uncomfortably we were situated, and proposed that we should take a large tavern house, which he had recently purchased of brother Gilbert.14 We took the tavern, and moved into it. Samuel, previous to this, had moved to a place called Marrowbone.15 William had moved thirty miles in another direction. We were all now quite comfortable.
nothing of importance occurred from this time untill about the first of august when an Election took place at Gallatin the county seat of Davies county at this election the Mormon Brethren went to the polls f as usual for the purpose of voting. but a party of men were collected there who were determined to prevent them from exercising the priviledge of franchise and strictly forbid them from putting in a vote whereupon one of the brethren <named John Butler> however stepped up to the polls without paying any attention to them and voted But this state of affairs was of short duration, for it was not long before our peace was again disturbed by the mob. An election took place at Gallatin, the county seat of Davies county;16 the brethren went to the poll, as usual, but, on attempting to vote, they were forbidden by the mob. They, however, paid no attention to this, but proceeded to vote; upon which, one of the mob struck brother John Butler17 a heavy blow, which was returned by the latter, with a force that brought his antagonist to the ground. Four others came
[p.631]whereupon a man belonging to the adverse party struck him a severe blow John Butler was a very high spirited man and could not brook such treatment as this consequently the blow was returned with a force that brought his antagonist to the ground but 4 others of the same party came to the assistance of the fallen man and shared his fate for Mr. Butler was a man of extraordinary strength and when so excited was not easily over come. [p.631]to the assistance18 of the fallen man, and shared the same fate. The mob saw the discomfiture of their champions with shame and disappointment, and not choosing to render them any present help, they waited till evening,
When the mob party saw the discomfeiture of these champions they were much enraged and that night they wrote a number of letters were written by <M> A justice of the peace Esqr [blank] was justice of the Peace who acted in the office of judge of the election— These letters <were sent in every direction to all the adjoining counties they> stated that Joseph smith had killed seven men at that place and that the inhabitants looked for nothing but that he would collect his church together and exterminate the people who did not belong to his church—they therefore begged the assistance of their neighbors against the mormons. when, procuring the assistance of the judge of the election, they wrote letters to all the adjoining counties, begging their assistance against the “Mormons.” They stated that Joseph Smith had, himself, killed seven men, at the election the day previous, and that the inhabitants had every reason to expect that he would collect his people together, as soon as possible, and murder all that did not belong to his Church.These letters were extensively circulated, and as widely believed.
[p.632]We who were living at Far West heard nothing of this untill the a few days after when I looked <when> Joseph was at our house writing a letter. I was and I left the room I was standing at the door of the room where he was setting upon looking and I <casting my eyes> toward the prarie I saw a large company of armed men advancing toward the City but I said nothing to any one about it suposing it to be training day—19 [p.632]A few days subsequent to this, Joseph was at our house writing a letter. While he was thus engaged, I stepped to the door, and looking towards the prairie, I beheld a large company of armed men advancing towards the city, but, as I supposed it to be training day, said nothing about it.
I soon observed that the main body of men came to a halt the Officers dismounted and 8 [written over “3”] 3 of them came on on in <to> the up to the house I set chairs for them thinking that they perhaps wanted refreshment or something of that sort but when they entered they placed themselves in a menacing standing in a line like a rank of soldiers across the room and when when I requested them to sit down they replied we do not choose to sit we have come here to kill20 <Joe Smith and all> the Mormons— Presently the main body came to a halt. The officers dismounting, eight of them came into the house. Thinking that they had come for some refreshment, I offered them chairs, but they refused to be seated, and, placing themselves in a line across the floor, continued standing. I again requested them to sit, but they replied, “We do not choose to sit down; we have come here to kill Joe Smith and all the Mormons.”
Ah said <I> what has Joseph Smith done that you should want kill him they said that he had murdered 7 men in Davies County the and that they were sent to kill him and all the Mormons and I told them that he had not been in Davies at all and Consequently there could not be any truth in the report and furthermore if they should see him they would not want [p.633]to kill him. They The men disputed me saying that the news had come to them in so direct a maner that they fully believed it to be true and as they were sent to kill off the prophet and all that believed in him <the formost> adding and I’ll be damm-d if I <we> do not execute our orders.”— “Ah,” said I, “what has Joseph Smith done, that you should want to kill him?”“He has killed seven men in Davies county,” replied the foremost, “and we have come to kill him, and all his Church.”“He has not been in Davies county,” I answered, “consequently the report must be false. Furthermore, if you [p.633]should see him, you would not want to kill him.”“There is no doubt but21 that the report is perfectly correct,” rejoined the officer; “it came straight to us, and I believe it; and we were sent to kill the Prophet and all who believe in him, and I’ll be d—d if I don’t execute my orders.”
Then you are going to kill me with the rest said I suppose said I Yes we will he replied very well I answered but I want you act like gentlemen about it and do the job quick just shoot me down at once for then it will be but a moment till I shall be perfectly happy but I would hate to be murdered by any slow process and I do not see the need of it either for you can just as well despatch the work at once as to be a great while about <ever so long a time> “I suppose,” said I, “you intend to kill me, with the rest?”“Yes, we do,” returned the officer.“Very well,” I continued, “I want you to act the gentleman about it, and do the job quick. Just shoot me down at once, then I shall be at rest; but I should not like to be murdered by inches.”22
There said it is again that is always their plea you tell a Mormon you’ll shoot him and all the good it does is to hear them answer well that’s nothing if you kill we shall be happy dam eem thats all the satisfaction you can get from them any way— “There it is again,” said he. “You tell a Mormon that you will kill him, and they will always tell you, ‘that is nothing—if you kill us, we shall be happy.’”
Joseph continued writing <till now> but having had finished and seal his letter said <he> asked me for some sea <a wafer> to seal it I saw seeing that he was at liberty I turned <turning> to them I said gentel<le>men I suffer me to make [p.634]you acquainted with Joseph Smith the prophet he looked upon them with a very pleasant smile and stepping up to them gave each of them his hand in a manner which convinced them that he was neither a guilty criminal nor yet a cowering hypocrite. Joseph, just at this moment, finished his letter, and, seeing that he was at liberty, I said, “Gentlemen, suffer me to make you acquainted with Joseph Smith, the Prophet.” They stared at him as if he were a spectre. He smiled, and, stepping [p.634]towards them, gave each of them his hand, in a manner which convinced them that he was neither a guilty criminal nor yet a hypocrite.
They stopped and stared as though a spectre had crossed their path. Joseph sat down and entered into conversation with them and explained to them the views and feelings of the people called Mormon and what their course had been and <as> also the treatment which they had met with from their enemies since the first outset of the church he told them that malice and detraction had pursued them ever since they entered Misouri but they were a people who had never broken the Laws to his knowledge but if they had they stood ready to be tried by the Law—And if even at this time anything contrary to the Law had been done by any of the brethren at Davies it would certainly be just to call them to an account before molesting or murdering others that knew nothing of their transactions at Galatin after this he rose and said Mother I believe I will go home Emma will be expecting me—two of the men sprang to their feet saying you shall not go alone for it is not safe we will go with you and guard you Joseph thanked them and they went with him Joseph then sat down, and explained to them the views, feelings, &c., of the Church, and what their course had been; besides the treatment which they had received from their enemies since the first. He also argued, that if any of the brethren had broken the law they ought to be tried by the law, before any one else was molested.After talking with them some time in this way, he said, “Mother, I believe I will go home now—Emma will be expecting me.” At this two of the men sprang to their feet, and declared that he should not go alone, as it would be unsafe—that they would go with him, in order to protect him.
the remainder of the officers stood by the door the while these were absent and <I overheard> the following [p.635]conversation between them Accordingly, the three left together, and, during their absence, I overheard the following conversation among the [p.635]officers, who remained at the door:—
1 officer How did you <not> feel <strangely> when Smith took you by the hand I did. I never felt so in my life2 Officer—Nor I either I felt as though I could not move I would not harm one hair of that man’s head for the whole world3 Officer This is the last time you will ever catch me coming to kill Joe Smith or the Mormons either1 officer or me I guess this is my last expedition against this place I never saw a more harmless innocent appearing man in my life than the Mormon prophet2 offcer that story about his killing them men is all a damned lie there is no doubt of that and we have had all this trouble for nothing—its the last time I’ll be fooled in this way 1st Officer. “Did you not feel strangely when Smith took you by the hand? I never felt so in my life.”2nd Officer. “I could not move. I would not harm a hair of that man’s head for the whole world.”3rd Officer. “This is the last time you will catch me coming to kill Joe Smith, or the Mormons either.”1st Officer. “I guess this is about my last expedition against this place. I never saw a more harmless, innocent appearing man, than that23 Mormon Prophet.”2nd Officer. “That story about his killing them men is a d—d lie—there is no doubt of it; and we have had all this trouble for nothing; but they will never fool me in this way again, I’ll warrant them.”
Then Those men who went with my son promised to go disband the Militia under them and go home and said that if he had any use for them they would come back and follow him any where. They did send away their forces and go home so we considered that all hostilities had were no longer to be feared from the citizens— The men who went home with my son promised to disband the militia under them, and go home, which they accordingly did, and we supposed that peace was again restored.
Joseph and Hyrum thought proper however to go to Davies and ascertain the cause of difficulty they did go and after receiving the strongest assurance of the future good [p.636]conduct of the attention of the <civil> officers to equal ria the administration of eaqual rights and priviledges among the citizens Mormons and anti Mormons they returned hoping all would be well After they were gone, Joseph and Hyrum went to Davies county, and, receiving the strongest assurance from the civil officers of that county,24 that equal rights should be [p.636]administered to all parties, they returned, hoping that all would be well.
Soon after this we heard that William and his wife <who lived 20 miles away> were very sick—Samuel was at Far West at the time and set out for Williams house with a carriage immediately in order to bring them to our house and in a short few days arrived there with them they were very low and seemed more likely to die of the disease than to recover from it when the [sic] got there but with close attention and great care they soon began to show signs of recovery— About this time, we heard that William and his wife were very sick. Samuel, who was then at Far West, set out with a carriage to bring them to our house, and, in a few days, returned with them. They were very low when they arrived; however, by great care and close attention, they soon began to recover.25

Lucy: 1844-45

While Samuel was absent on this excursion during the time in which I was taking care of My son William and his wife and for a short period so many things transpired that would probably be interesting to My readers which I know nothing about as I was so engaged with the care of my house and the sickness of my family that I did not know nor yet enquire or hear what was going on. In a little while after Samuel brought William and caroline his wife to our house son samuel was born and when he was but 3 days old his father was compelled to leave home and <as> it soon Samuels family were at this time living in a desolate lonely place about 30 miles from Far West <then> called Marrowbone afterwards named Shady Grove—

Lucy: 1844-45

[p.637]Samuel had not been long gone when a number of the men who lived near him went to his wife and told her that the mob was coming there to drive all the Mormons from the country as into Far West and perhaps they would half of them be killed they accordingly advised her to go immediately to Far West at all hazards for she was and proffered to find her a waggon and boy to drive the Horses if she would do so She consented and they brought an open lumber waggon and put her bed into it on a bed with a very little clothing for herself and children. In this way she was started for Far West with no one but a small boy to take care of her and the children and team and no provision <thing to eat> by the way [p.638]when she travelled a short about [blank] miles they stopped and staid over <for the> night in the <latter part of the> night it began to rain and and the water fell upon her in torrents for she had no shelter for herself or her infant but the bedding which was soon completely saturated with the rain that continued falling for sometime with great violence.

Coray/Pratt: 1853

[p.637]Soon after Samuel brought William and Caroline to our house, there was born unto Samuel a son, whom he called by his own name.26 When the child was three days old, his father was compelled to leave, and, on the fourth day of its existence,27 his mother was informed that she must leave home forthwith, and take a journey of thirty miles to Far West. One of the neighbours offered to furnish her a team, and a small boy to drive it, if she would start immediately. To this she agreed. A lumber waggon was brought, and she, with her bed, her children, and very little clothing either for them or herself, was put into it, and sent to Far West, under the care of a boy of eleven years of age.

S The next day samuel started from Far West to go to his own house but met his <wife> in this situation—They he returned with her to Far West and she arrived there about 36 hours after she left Marrowbone without having taken any nourishment since she set out and every garment upon her body as well as the <her> bed and bedding was 28so wet with the rain that the water might have been wrung from them— [p.638]The day following, Samuel started home from Far West, although the rain was falling fast, and had been all the night previous. He had proceeded but ten miles when he met his wife and children, exposed to the inclemency of the weather, and dripping with wet. He returned with them to Far West, where they arrived in about thirty-six hours after they left Marrowbone, without having taken any nourishment from the time they left home.29
she was speechless and almost stiffened with the cold and effects of her exposure. We laid her on a bed and the my sons and Husband and my sons administerd to her by the laying on of hands—We then changed her clothing gave her some nourishment and put her into a bed [p.639]covered with warm blankets and after pouring a little nou<rish> water into her mouth. She was administered to gagain; this time she raised her eyes and seemed to revive30 a little I continued to employ every means for the <her> benefit and that of my other sick children which lay in my power <in this I was much assisted by Emma and my daughters who> and had they <we soon> reaped the reward of my <our> labor for in a short time they began to and mend She was entirely speechless and stiff with the cold. We laid her on a bed, and my husband and sons administered to her by the laying on of hands. We then changed her clothing, and put her into warm blankets, and, after pouring a little wine and water into her mouth, she was [p.639]administered to again. This time she opened her eyes, and seemed to revive a little. I continued to employ every means that lay in my power for her recovery, and in this I was much assisted by Emma and my daughters.31
and I now Congratulated myself on the pleasure I should feel in seeing my children all well and enjoying ach others society again My children soon began to mend, and I felt to rejoice at the prospect of returning health.
after William began to set up a little he related the following vision32 Refer to Wm Smith When William began to sit up a little, he told me that he had a vision during his sickness, in which he saw a tremendous army of men coming into Far West, and that it was his impression that the time would not be long before he should see it fulfilled.33 I was soon convinced, by the circumstances which afterwards transpired, that he was not mistaken in his opinion.34

Lucy, 1844-45

[p.640]I felt concerned about this for I feared that some evil was hanging over us but knew nothing of the opperations of the mob party untill one day Joseph came rode up and called told me that he wanted me to not be at all frightened that the Mob were coming but we must all keep perfectly quiet and he wished the sisters to stay within doors and not suffer themselves to be seen at all in the streets I that he could not stay with us but for he wanted to see the brethren and have them keep their families quiet and at home he rode off but I soon learned that who the mob were this was the state mob that was sent by the governor a company of many 10,000 men that stationed themselves on salt creek 35My son in law Mr. M’c Lery went out to meet the mob with some others to meet the Mob and ascertain what their buisness was They gave the messengers to understand that they would soon commen<ce> an indiscriminate butchery of men women and children that their orders were to convert Far West into a human slaughter pen and never quit it while there was a lisping babe or a decrepit old woman breathing within its bounds but that certain 3 persons were there that they wished to have brought forth before they began their opperations as <for> they desired to preserve their lives as some of them were related to the one of the Mob officers—these persons were Adam Lightener John Clemison & his wife—but after a short interview John Clemison who was not a member of the church replied that they had lived with the Mormons and knew them to be an innocent people and if said he you are determined to destroy them and lay the city in ashes you must destroy me and also for I will die with them—after I shall here insert my son Hyrum’s testimony to keep up the chain of narrative and yet be as brief as possible

The night however passed off and we were not [the rest of the page is filled with a note that begins with an asterisk; however, there is no corresponding asterisk in the text.]

*I shall now arrest my readers attention and carry it a little off from the immediate subject by inserting My son Hyrum’s detail of our Misouri troubles but have patience and I will soon bring you back to the point in question again. Hyrum’s testimony down to <the word> army on the ninth line of 250 page of the Times and Seasons [blank] Comments no one [rest of line blank.]36

Coray/Pratt: 1853



[p.641]Here I shall introduce a brief history of our troubles in Missouri, given by my son Hyrum, before the Municipal Court, at Nauvoo, June 30, 1843, when Joseph was tried for treason against the state of Missouri:—37

“HYRUM SMITH , sworn:—Said that the defendant now in court is his brother, and that his name is not Joseph Smith, junior,38 but his name is Joseph Smith, senior, and has been for more than two years past. I have been acquainted with him ever since he was born, which was thirty-seven years in December last, and I have not been absent from him at any one time, not even the space of six months, since his birth, to my recollection; and have been intimately acquainted with all his sayings, doings, business transactions, and movements, as much as any one man could be acquainted with any other man’s business, up to the present time, and do know that he has not committed treason against any state in the Union, by any overt act, or by levying war, or by aiding and abetting, or assisting an enemy, in any state39 in the Union. And that the said Joseph Smith, senior, has not committed treason in the state of Missouri, nor violated any law or rule of said state, I being personally acquainted with the transactions and doings of said Smith, whilst he resided [p.642]in said state, which was for about six months in the year 1838; I being also a resident in said state, during the same period of time. And I do know that said Joseph Smith, senior, never was subject to military duty in any state, neither was he in the state of Missouri, he being exempt by the amputation or extraction of a bone from his leg, and by his having a license to preach the Gospel, or being in other words, a minister of the Gospel. And I do know that said Smith never bore arms as a military man, in any capacity whatever, whilst in the state of Missouri, or previous to that time; neither has he given any orders, or assumed any command, in any capacity whatever. But I do know that whilst he was in the state of Missouri, that the people commonly called ‘Mormons,’ were threatened with violence and extermination, and on or about the first Monday in August, 1838, at the election at Gallatin, the county seat in Davies county, the citizens who were commonly called ‘Mormons,’ were forbidden to exercise the rights of franchise, and from that unhallowed circumstance an affray commenced, and a fight ensued among the citizens of that place, and from that time a mob commenced gathering in that county, threatening the extermination of the ‘Mormons.’

Contextual note: Roger Launius sees the Mormon actions as provocative. It was generally understood that Caldwell County had specially created for Mormon occupancy and that the Mormons would stay there. When they began settling in Daviess County to the north, “Mormons violated what the non-Mormons, including Doniphan, believed was a pact; seeing them like Indians leaving a reservation, the local citizenry dealt with them in a similar manner” (Alexander Doniphan, 48). LeSueur (25) agrees that this was the non-Mormon perception but notes that “the Mormons do not mention any agreement to confine themselves to Caldwell.” By mid-October, when Mormon Danites had carried out preemptive strikes, raids for supplies, and also retaliatory attacks, William G. Hartley (My Best, 67, 69) argues that the Danites, by 14 October 1838, understood that “a state of war had commenced. No longer did they see the contest merely as a civilian clash. No notarized declaration of war was pronounced, and posted, but in attitude and militia conduct such was the case. … In peacetime such acts are arson, vandalism, and robbery—clearly crimes. But in wartime they are military actions serving strategic purposes.”

According to Launius, however, Doniphan, who was both a militia officer and the Mormons’ legal counsel, “always believed that regardless of who had started the conflict, the Mormons had at this point become the aggressors” (Alexander Doniphan, 54. See also LeSueur, chap. 3, “Rumblings of a Conflict,” [p.643]and chap. 7, “The Mormons Retaliate”).

Coray/Pratt: 1853

The said Smith and myself, upon hearing that mobs were collecting together, and that they had also murdered two of the citizens of the same place, and would not suffer them to be buried, the said Smith and myself went over to Davies county to learn the particulars of the affray; but upon our arrival at Diahman, we learned that none were killed, but several were wounded. We tarried all night at Col. Lyman Wight’s. The next morning the weather being very warm, and having been very dry for some time previous, the springs and wells in that region were dried up. On mounting our horses to return, we rode up to Mr. Black’s, who was then an acting justice of the peace, to obtain some water for ourselves and horses. Some few of the citizens accompanied us there, and after obtaining the refreshment of water,40 Mr. Black was asked, by said Joseph Smith, senior, if he would use his influence to see that the laws were faithfully executed, and to put down mob violence, and he gave us a paper written by his own hand, stating that he would do so. He also requested him, (Mr. Black) to call together the most influential men of the county the next day, that we might have an interview with them; to this he acquiesced, and accordingly, the next day they assembled at the house of Col. Wight, and entered into a mutual covenant of peace to put down mob violence, and to protect each other in the enjoyment of their rights. After this we all parted with the best of feelings, and each man returned to his own home. This mutual agreement of peace, however, did not last long; for but a few days afterwards the mob began to collect again, until several hundreds rendezvoused at Millport, a few miles distant from Diahman. They immediately commenced making aggressions upon the citizens called ‘Mormons,’ taking away their hogs and cattle, and threatening them with extermination, or utter destruction;41 saying that they had a cannon, and there should be no compromise only at its mouth; frequently taking men, women, and children prisoners, whipping them and lacerating their bodies with hickory withes, and tying them to trees, and depriving them of food until they were compelled to gnaw the bark from the trees to which they were bound, in order to sustain life, treating them in the most cruel manner they could invent or think of, and doing everything they could to excite the indignation of the ‘Mormon’ people to rescue them, in order that they might make that a pretext for an accusation [p.644]for the breach of the law, and that they might the better excite the prejudice of the populace, and thereby get aid and assistance to carry out their hellish purposes of extermination. Immediately on the authentication of these facts, messengers were dispatched from Far West to Austin A. King, judge of the fifth judicial district of the state of Missouri, and also to Major-Gen. Atchison, Commander-in-Chief of that division, and Brigadier-General Doniphan, giving them information of the existing facts, and demanding immediate assistance. General Atchison returned with the messengers, and went immediately to Diahman, and from thence to Millport, and he found the facts were true as reported to him; that the citizens of that county were assembled together in a hostile attitude, to the amount of two or three hundred men, threatening the utter extermination of the ‘Mormons.’ He immediately returned42 to Clay county, and ordered out a sufficient military force to quell the mob. Immediately after they were dispersed, and the army returned, the mob commenced collecting again; soon after, we again applied for military aid, when General Doniphan came out with a force of sixty armed men to Far West; but they were in such a state of insubordination, that he said he could not control them, and it was thought advisable by Colonel Hinkle, Mr. Rigdon, and others, that they should return home. General Doniphan ordered Colonel Hinkle to call out the Militia of Caldwell, and defend the town against the mob, for, said he, you have great reason to be alarmed; for, he said, Neil Gillum, from the Platte Country, had come down with two hundred armed men, and had taken up their station at Hunter’s Mill, a place distant about seventeen or eighteen miles north-west of the town of Far West, and, also, that an armed force had collected again at Millport, in Davies county, consisting of several hundred men, and that another armed force had collected at De Witt, in Carroll county, about fifty miles south-east of Far West, where about seventy families of the ‘Mormon’ people had settled, upon the bank of the Missouri River, at a little town called De Witt. Immediately a messenger, whilst he was yet talking, came in from De Witt, stating, that three or four hundred men had assembled together at that place, armed cap-apie, and that they threatened the utter extinction of the citizens of that place, if they did not leave the place immediately, and that they had also surrounded the town and cut off all supplies of food, so that many of them43 were suffering with hunger. General Doniphan seemed to be very much alarmed, and appeared to be willing to do all he could44 to assist, and to relieve the suf-[p.645]ferings of the ‘Mormon’ people. He advised that a petition be immediately got up and sent to the Governor. A petition was accordingly prepared, and a messenger immediately despatched to the Governor, and another petition was sent to Judge King. The ‘Mormon’ people throughout the country were in a great state of alarm,45 and also in great distress. They saw themselves completely surrounded with armed forces, on the north, and on the north-west, and on the south, and also Bogard,46 who was a Methodist preacher, and who was then a Captain over a Militia company of fifty soldiers, but who had added to his number, out of the surrounding counties, about a hundred more, which made his force about one hundred and fifty strong, was stationed at Crooked Creek, sending out his scouting parties, taking men, women, and children prisoners, driving off cattle, hogs, and horses, entering into every house on Log and Long Creeks, rifling their houses of their most precious articles, such as money, bedding, and clothing, taking all their old muskets and their rifles or military implements, threatening the people with instant death if they did not deliver up all their precious things, and enter into a covenant to leave the state or go into the city of Far West by the next morning, saying that ‘they calculated to drive the people into Far West, and then drive them to hell.’ Gillum also was doing the same on the north-west side of Far West; and Sashiel47 Woods, a Presbyterian Minister, was the leader of the mob in Davies county, and a very noted man, of the same society, was the leader of the mob in Carroll county; and they were also sending out their scouting parties, robbing and pillaging houses, driving away hogs, horses, and cattle, taking men, women, and children, and carrying them off, threatening their lives, and subjecting them to all manner of abuses that they could invent or think of.

“Under this state of alarm, excitement, and distress, the messengers returned from the Governor, and from the other authorities, bringing the fatal news that the ‘Mormons’ could have no assistance. They stated that the Governor said, ‘that the Mormons had got into a difficulty with the citizens, and they might fight it out, for all what he cared,48 he could not render them any assistance.’

“The people of De Witt were obliged to leave their homes and go into Far West; but did not until many of them had starved to death for want of [p.646]proper sustenance, and several died on the road there, and were buried by the way side, without a coffin or a funeral ceremony, and the distress, sufferings, and privations of the people cannot be expressed. All the scattered families of the ‘Mormon’ people, in all the counties except Davies, were driven into Far West, with but few exceptions.

“This only increased their distress, for many thousands who were driven there had no habitations or houses to shelter them, and were huddled together, some in tents, and others under blankets, while others had no shelter from the inclemency of the weather. Nearly two months the people had been in this awful state of consternation, many of them had been killed, whilst others had been whipped until they had to swathe up their bowels to prevent them from falling out. About this time, General Parks came out from Richmond, Ray county, who was one of the commissioned officers who was sent out to Diahman, and I, myself, and my brother Joseph Smith, senior, went out at the same time.

“On the evening that General Parks arrived at Diahman, the wife of the late Don Carlos Smith, my brother, came in to Colonel Wight’s, about eleven o’clock at night, bringing her two children along with her, one about two years and a half old, the other a babe in her arms. She came in on foot, a distance of three miles, and waded Grand River, and the water was then about waist deep, and the snow about three inches deep. She stated that a party of the mob, a gang of ruffians, had turned her out of doors, had taken her household goods, and had burnt up her house, and she had escaped by the skin of her teeth. Her husband at that time was in Virginia,49 and she was living alone. This cruel transaction excited the feelings of the people in Diahman, especially Col. Wight, and he asked Gen. Parks, in my hearing, how long we had got to suffer such base violence? Gen. Parks said he did not know how long. Col. Wight then asked him what should be done? Gen. Parks told him, ‘he should take a company of men, well armed, and go and disperse the mob wherever he should find any collected together, and take away their arms.’ Col. Wight did so precisely, according to the orders of Gen. Parks, and my brother Joseph Smith, senior, made no words about it.50 And after Col. Wight had dispersed the mob, and put a stop to their burning houses belonging to the ‘Mormon’ people, and turning women and children out of doors, which they had done up to that time, to the amount of eight or ten houses, which were consumed to ashes. After being cut short in their intended designs, the mob started up a new plan. They went to work, and moved their families out [p.647]of the county, and set fire to their houses, and not being able to incense the ‘Mormons’ to commit crimes, they had recourse to this stratagem—to set their houses on fire, and send runners into all the counties adjacent, to declare to the people, that the ‘Mormons’ had burnt up their houses, and destroyed their fields; and if the people would not believe them, they would tell them to go and see if what they had said was not true. Many people came to see—they saw the houses burning, and being filled with prejudice, they could not be made to believe, but that the ‘Mormons’ set them on fire; which deed was most diabolical and of the blackest kind, for indeed the ‘Mormons’ did not set them on fire, nor meddle with their houses or their fields. And the houses that were burnt, together with the pre-emption rights, and the corn in the fields, had all been previously purchased by the ‘Mormons,’ of the people, and paid for in money, and with waggons and horses, and with other property about two weeks before, but they had not taken possession of the premises; but this wicked transaction was for the purpose of clandestinely exciting the minds of a prejudiced populace and the Executive, that they might get an order, that they could the more easily carry out their hellish purposes, in expulsion or extermination, or utter extinction of the ‘Mormon’ people. After witnessing the distressed situation of the people in Diahman, my brother Joseph Smith, senior, and myself, returned back to the city of Far West, and immediately dispatched a messenger, with written documents, to General Atchison, stating the facts as they did then exist, praying for assistance, if possible, and requesting the editor of the “Far West,” to insert the same in his newspaper, but he utterly refused to do so. We still believed that we should get assistance from the Governor, and again petitioned him, praying for assistance, setting forth our distressed situation. And in the mean time, the presiding judge of the county court issued orders, upon affidavits made to him by the citizens, to the sheriff of the county, to order out the militia of the county, to stand in constant readiness, night and day, to prevent the citizens from being massacred, which fearful situation they were exposed to every moment. Every thing was very portentous51 and alarming. Notwithstanding all this, there was a ray of hope yet existing in the minds of the people, that the Governor would render us assistance. And whilst the people were waiting anxiously for deliverance—men, women, and children frightened, praying and weeping—we beheld at a distance, crossing the prairies, and approaching the town, a large army in military array, brandishing their glittering swords in the sunshine, and we could not but feel joyful for a moment, thinking that probably the Gover-[p.648]nor had sent an armed force to our relief, notwithstanding the awful forebodings that pervaded our breasts. But to our great surprise, when the army arrived, they came up and formed in a line in double file, in one half mile on the east52 of the city of Far West, and dispatched three messengers with a white flag to come to the city. They were met by Captain Morey, with a few other individuals, whose names I do not now recollect. I was, myself, standing close by, and could very distinctly hear every word they said. Being filled with anxiety, I rushed forward to the spot, expecting to hear good news, but, alas! and heart-thrilling53 to every soul that heard them—they demanded three persons to be brought out of the city, before they should massacre the rest. The names of the persons they demanded, were Adam Lightner, John Cleminson, and his wife. Immediately the three persons were brought forth to hold an interview with the officers who had made the demand, and the officers told them, they had now a chance to save their lives, for they calculated54 to destroy the people, and lay the city in ashes. They replied to the officers, and said, “If the people must be destroyed, and the city burned to ashes, they would55 remain in the city and die with them.” The officers immediately returned, and the army retreated, and encamped about a mile and a half from the city. A messenger was immediately dispatched with a white flag, from the colonel of the militia of Far West, requesting an interview with General Atchison, and General Doniphan; but, as the messenger approached the camp, he was shot at by Bogard, the Methodist preacher. The name of the messenger was Charles C. Rich, who is now Brigadier-General in56 the Nauvoo Legion. However, he gained permission to see General Doniphan. He also requested an interview with General Atchison. General Doniphan said that General Atchison had been dismounted by a special order of the Governor, a few miles back, and had been sent back to Liberty, Clay county. He also stated, that the reason was, that he (Atchison), was too merciful unto the ‘Mormons,’ and Boggs would not let him have the command, but had given it to General Lucas, who was from Jackson county, and whose heart had become hardened by his former acts of rapine and bloodshed, he being one of the leaders in murdering, driving, plundering, and burning, some two or three hundred houses belonging to the ‘Mormon’ people in that county, in the years 1833 and 1834.

[p.649]“Mr. Rich requested General Doniphan to spare the people, and not suffer them to be massacred until the next morning, it then being evening. He coolly agreed that he would not, and also said, that, ‘he had not as yet received the Governor’s order, but expected it every hour, and should not make any further move until he had received it; but he would not make any promises so far as regarded Neil Gillum’s army,’ (he having arrived a few minutes previously, and joined the main body of the army, he knowing well at what hour to form a junction with the main body). Mr. Rich then returned to the city, giving this information. The colonel immediately dispatched a second messenger with a white flag, to request another interview with General Doniphan, in order to touch his sympathy and compassion, and if it were possible, for him to use his best endeavours to preserve the lives of the people. On the return of this messenger, we learned that several persons had been killed by some of the soldiers, who were under the command of General Lucas. One Mr. Carey had his brains knocked out by the breech57 of a gun, and he lay bleeding several hours, but his family were not permitted to approach him, nor any one else allowed to administer relief to him whilst he lay upon the ground in the agonies of death. Mr. Carey had just arrived in the country, from the state of Ohio, only a few hours previous to the arrival of the army. He had a family consisting of a wife and several small children. He was buried by Lucius N. Scovil,58 who is now the senior warden of the Nauvoo Lodge. Another man, of the name of John Tanner, was knocked on the head at the same time, and his skull laid bare the width of a man’s hand, and he lay, to all appearance, in the agonies of death for several hours; but by the permission of General Doniphan, his friends brought him out of the camp, and with good nursing he slowly recovered, and is now living. There was another man, whose name is Powell, who was beat59 on the head with the breech of a gun until his skull was fractured, and his brains ran out in two or three places.60 He is now alive, and resides in this county, but has lost the use of his senses; several persons of his family were also left for dead, but have since recovered. These acts of barbarity were also committed by the soldiers under the command of General Lucas, previous to having received the Governor’s order of extermination.

[p.650]“It was on the evening of the thirtieth of October, according to the best of my recollection, that the army arrived at Far West, the sun about half an hour high. In a few moments afterwards, Cornelius Gillum arrived with his army and formed a junction. This Gillum had been stationed at Hunter’s Mills for about two months previous to that time—committing depredations upon the inhabitants, capturing men, women, and children, and carrying them off as prisoners, lacerating their bodies with hickory withes. The army of Gillum were painted like Indians, some of them were more conspicuous than were others, designated by red spots, and he also was painted in a similar manner, with red spots marked on his face, and styled himself the “Delaware chief.” They would whoop, and hallow,61 and yell, as nearly like Indians as they could, and continued to do so all that night. In the morning early the Colonel of militia sent a messenger into the camp, with a white flag, to have another interview with Gen. Doniphan. On his return he informed us that the Governor’s orders had arrived. General Doniphan said, ‘that the order of the Governor was, to exterminate the Mormons by God, but62 he would be d—d if he obeyed that order, but General Lucas might do what he pleased.’ We immediately learned from General Doniphan, that the Governor’s order that had arrived was only a copy of the original, and that the original order was in the hands of Major General Clark, who was on his way to Far West with an additional army of six thousand men.’63 Immediately after this there came into the city a messenger from Haun’s Mill, bringing the intelligence of an awful massacre of the people who were residing in that place, and that a force of two or three hundred, detached from the main body of the army, under the superior command of Colonel Ashley, but under the immediate command of Captain Nehemiah Comstock,64 who, the day previous, had promised them peace and protection, but on receiving a copy of the Governor’s order, ‘to exterminate or to expel,’ from the hands of Colonel Ashley, he returned upon them the following day, and surprised and massacred the whole population of the town,65 and then came on to the town of Far West, and entered into conjunction with the main body of the army. The messenger informed us, that he, himself, with a few others, fled into the thickets, which preserved [p.651]them from the massacre, and on the following morning they returned, and collected the dead bodies of the people, and cast them into a well; and there were upwards of twenty, who were dead, or mortally wounded, and there are several of the wounded, who are now living in this city. One of 66 the name of Yocum, has lately had his leg amputated, in consequence of wounds he then received. He had a ball shot through67 his head, which entered near his eye and came out at the back part of his head, and another ball passed through one of his arms.

“The army during all the while they had been encamped in Far West, continued to lay waste fields of corn, making hogs, sheep, and cattle common plunder, and shooting them down for sport. One man shot a cow, and took a strip of her skin, the width of his hand, from her head to her tail, and tied it around a tree to slip his halter into to tie his horse to. The city was surrounded with a strong guard, and no man, woman, or child, was permitted to go out or come in, under the penalty of death. Many of the citizens were shot, in attempting to go out to obtain sustenance68 for themselves and families. There was one field fenced in, consisting of twelve-hundred acres, mostly covered with corn. It was entirely laid waste by the horses of the army,

Lucy: 1844-45

Col. Hinkle was sent by the church to see if it was possible to make a treaty of Peace with them and when he returned he said he did not think there would be any difficulty at all in coming upon terms of stipulation with the mob.—

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and the next day after the arrival of the army, towards evening,69 Colonel Hinkle came up from the camp, requesting to see my brother Joseph, Parley P. Pratt, Sidney Rigdon, Lyman Wight, and George W. Robinson,70

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stating that the officers of the army wanted a mutual consultation with those men, also stating that Generals Doniphan, Lucas, Wilson, and Graham, (however, General Graham is an honourable exception: he did all he could to preserve the lives of the people, contrary to the order of the Governor,) he (Hin-[p.652]kle) assured them that these generals had pledged their sacred honour, that they should not be abused or insulted; but should be guarded back in safety in the morning, or so soon as the consultation was over. My brother Joseph replied, that he did not know what good he could do in any consultation, as he was only a private individual; however, he said that he was always willing to do all the good he could, and would obey every law of the land, and then leave the event with God. They immediately started with Col. Hinkle to go down into the camp. As they were going down, about half way to the camp, they met General Lucas, with a phalanx of men, with a wing to the right and to the left, and a four-pounder in the centre. They supposed he was coming with this strong force to guard them into the camp in safety; but, to their surprise, when they came up to General Lucas, he ordered his men to surround them, and Hinkle stepped up to the General and said, ‘These are the prisoners I agreed to deliver up.’

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—Note 2 falls after deliver up 17th line from the bottom of said column [Times and Seasons 5:250] It was agreed that the man who brought the prisoners should go in his shirt sleeves accordingly Hinkle did not wear his coat which signified to the mob that he was the traitor—71

Contextual note: A note in the RLDS 1880 edition, repositioned here from the end of the chapter, presents Hinkle in a more positive light:

In justice to the several survivors of Elder George M. Hinkle, who are in full faith of the Gospel, and in the Church, we should state that during the later years of that elder’s life, he labored diligently to spread the truth, and a number of those who were by his labors convinced of the truth, are with the Church. Colonel Hinkle himself stated to several, that the part performed by him, by which it was supposed that he betrayed his brethren, was misunderstood, and a sufficient opportunity to explain and exculpate himself was not afforded him. That he retained [blank in 1880 edition; “his” in 1912, 1969] faith and an affection for the martyrs until his death, is certain.” [A second note giving the following reference follows immediately in the 1912, 1969 editions:] The defense of Colonel Hinkle was published in Messenger and Advocate, the organ of Sidney Rigdon, August 1, 1845, in which he claims that the terms of surrender were laid before Joseph Smith and he said, “I will go,” and his fellow prisoners voluntarily accompanied him. He [p.653]also claims that W. W. Phelps, John Corrill, and A. Morrison were as much implicated as was he. —H.C.S.”

Stephen C. LeSueur also presents a more balanced view of Hinckle’s motives and activities. He concludes that the hostages believed they had been “betrayed” because they misunderstood two facts: first, Hinckle had not negotiated; Lucas had dictated terms and was prepared to attack the city within the hour. Second, Hinckle and the other representatives (Reed Peck and John Corrill) probably assured Joseph Smith and the others that they could discuss the terms with Lucas; Lucas, however, refused to speak to them. Hinkle’s son reported that his father “always maintained that the leading men of the church had never given him a chance to explain his actions in Missouri and had condemned him on the spot without judge or jury, and having once condemned him they stuck to it and never gave him a chance.” He had to leave Missouri on foot, carrying his youngest children in his arms “with the Gentiles persecuting him and the Saints shunning him as they had been warned” (LeSueur, 177, 222-23).

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[Hyrum’s affidavit continues:] General Lucas drew his sword, and said, ‘Gentlemen, you are my prisoners,’ and about that time the main army72 were on their march to meet them. They came up in two divisions, and opened to the right and left, and my brother and his friends were marched down through their lines, with a strong guard in front, and the cannon in the rear to the camp, amidst the whoopings, hollowings,73 yellings, and shoutings of the army, which were so horrid and terrific, that they frightened the inhabitants of the city.74 It is impossible to describe the feelings of horror and distress of the people. After being thus betrayed, they were placed under a strong guard of thirty men, armed cap-a-pie, which were relieved every two hours. There they were compelled75 to lie on the cold ground that night, and were told in plain language that they need never expect their liberties again. So far for their honours pledged. However, this was as much as could be expected from [p.654]a mob under the garb of military and executive authority in the state of Missouri. On the next day, the soldiers were permitted to patrol the streets, to abuse and insult the people at their leisure, and enter into houses76 and pillage them, and ravish the women, taking away every gun, and every other kind of arms or military implements. And about twelve o’clock that day, Col. Hinkle came to my house with an armed force, opened the door, and called me out of doors and delivered me up as a prisoner unto that force. They surrounded me and commanded me to march into the camp. I told them that I could not go, my family were77 sick, and I was sick myself, and could not leave home. They said, they did not care for that, I must and should go. I asked when they would permit me to return. They made me no answer, but forced me along with the point of the bayonet into the camp, and put me under the same guard with my brother Joseph; and within about half an hour afterwards, Amasa Lyman was also brought, and placed under the same guard. There we were compelled to stay all that night, and lie on the ground; but along some time in the same night, Col. Hinkle came to me and told me that he had been pleading my case before the court-martial, but he was afraid he should not succeed. He said there was a court-martial then in session, consisting of thirteen or fourteen officers, Circuit Judge A. A. King; and Mr. Birch, District Attorney, also Sashiel Woods, Presbyterian priest, and about twenty other priests of the different religious denominations in that county. He said they were determined to shoot us on the next morning in the public square in Far West. I made him no reply. On the next morning about sunrise, Gen. Doniphan ordered his brigade to take up the line of march, and leave the camp. He came to us where we were under guard, to shake hands with us, and bid us farewell. His first salutation was, ‘By God, you have78 been sentenced by the court-martial to be shot this morning; but I will be d—d if I will have any of the honour of it, or any of the disgrace of it;79 therefore I have ordered my brigade to take up the line of march,80 and to leave the camp, for I consider it to be cold blooded murder, and I bid you farewell,’ and he went away.81 This movement of General Doniphan made considerable ex-[p.655]citement in the army, and there were82 considerable whisperings amongst the officers. We listened very attentively, and frequently heard it mentioned by the guard, that the d—d ‘Mormons’83 would not be shot this time.84 In a few moments the guard was relieved with a new set; one of the new guard said, that the d—d ‘Mormons’ would not be shot this time, for the movement of General Doniphan had frustrated the whole plan, and that the officers had called another court-martial, and had ordered us to be taken to Jackson county, and there to be executed. And in a few moments two large waggons drove up, and we were ordered to get into them. While we were getting into them, there came up four or five men armed with guns, who drew up, and snapped their guns at us, in order to kill us. Some flashed in the pan, and others only snapped, but none of their guns went off. They were immediately arrested by several officers, and their guns taken from them, and the drivers drove off.

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soon after the waggon was driven through the place <Far West> and My sons were allowed to see their families but not permited to speak to them nor <this was before we came to the waggon> to visit me to describe this scene is impossible [p.656]you have read something of how they were rushed from their wives and children amid their sobs and screams you no one can realize this thing without considering the circumstances— which were that there was no human calculation in the affair except that which was made upon the mercy of men who had already <passed> sentence of death upon them— Little Joseph clung to his father and exclaimed Oh my father why can you not stay with us— That question The [sic] answered his question by pushing the child from his father with their swords but there is a day when that question will be repeated why did tear the servant of God from his family and from his home and treat him thus cruelly—If any of you who did this deed are living let me warn you to prepare yourselves to answer that question before the bar of God for I testify to you in the name of Jesus you will have it to do—repent therefore and be converted that your sins may be blotted out when the times of refreshment shall come from the presence of the Lord—85 I here relate the col came and asked Emma to visit her husband [a line across the page separates this text from what follows] Now Joseph HS’s testimony as far as prisoner

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We requested of General Lucas, to let us go to our houses, and get some clothing. In order to do this we had to be driven up into the city. It was with much difficulty that we could get his permission to go and see our families, and get some cloth-[p.656]ing; but, after considerable consultation, we were permitted to go under a strong guard of five or six men to each of us, and we were not permitted to speak to any one of our families, under the pain of death. The guard that went with me ordered my wife to get me some clothes immediately— within two minutes; and if she did not do it, I should go off without them. I was obliged to submit to their tyrannical orders, however painful it was, with my wife and children clinging to my arms and to the skirts of my garments, and was not permitted to utter to them a word86 of consolation, and in a moment was hurried away from them at the point of the bayonet. We were hurried back to the waggons and ordered into them, all in about the same space of time. In the mean while, our father, and mother, and sisters,87 had forced their way to the waggons to get permission to see us, but were forbidden to speak to us, and we were immediately driven off for Jackson county.

Coray/Pratt: 1853

[p.657][Hyrum’s affidavit continued:] We travelled about twelve miles that evening, and encamped for the night. The same strong guard was kept around us, and was relieved every two hours, and we were permitted to sleep on the ground. The nights were then cold, with considerable snow on the ground, and for the want of covering and clothing we suffered extremely with the cold. That night was the commencement of a fit of sickness from which I have not wholly recovered unto this day, in consequence of my exposure to the inclemency of the weather. Our provision was fresh beef, roasted in the fire on a stick; the army having no bread, in consequence of the want of mills to grind the grain. In the morning, at the dawn of day, we were forced on our journey, and were exhibited to the inhabitants along the road, the same as they exhibit a caravan of elephants or camels. We were examined from head to foot by men, women, and children, only I believe they did not make us open our mouths to look at our teeth. This treatment was continued incessantly, until we arrived at Independence, in Jackson county. After our arrival at Independence, we were driven all through the town for inspection, and then we were ordered into an old log house, and there kept under guard as usual, until supper, which was served up to us, as we sat upon the floor, or on billets of wood, and we were compelled to stay in that house all that night and the next day. They continued to exhibit us to the public, by letting the people come in and examine us, and then go away and give place for others alternately, all that day and the next night; but on the morning of the following day, we were all permitted to go to the tavern to eat and to sleep, but afterwards they made us pay our own expenses for board, lodging, and attendance, and for which they made a most exorbitant88 charge. We remained in the tavern about two days and two nights, when an officer arrived with authority from General Clark to take us back to Richmond, Ray county, where the General had arrived with his army to await our arrival there; but on the morning of our start for Richmond, we were informed by General Wilson, that it was expected by the soldiers that we would be hung up by the necks on the road, while on the march to that place, and that it was prevented by a demand made for us by General Clark, who had the command in consequence of seniority, and, that it was his prerogative to execute us himself, and he should give us up into the hands of the officer, who would take us to General Clark, and he might do [p.658]with us as he pleased. During our stay at Independence, the officers informed us that there were eight or ten horses in that89 place belonging to the ‘Mormon’ people, which had been stolen by the soldiers, and that we might have two of them to ride upon, if we would cause them to be sent back to the owners after our arrival at Richmond. We accepted of them, and they were rode90 to Richmond, and the owners came there and got them. We started in the morning under our new officer, Colonel Price,91 of Keysville, Chariton county, Mo., with several other men to guard us over. We arrived there on Friday evening, the ninth day of November, and were thrust into an old log house, with a strong guard placed over us. After we had been there for the space of half an hour, there came in a man, who was said to have some notoriety in the penitentiary, bringing in his hands a quantity of chains and padlocks. He said he was commanded by General Clark to put us in chains. Immediately the soldiers rose up, and pointing their guns at us, placed their thumb on the cock, and their finger on the trigger, and the state’s prison keeper went to work, putting a chain around the leg of each man, and fastening it on with a padlock, until we were all chained together, seven of us.

“In a few moments came in General Clarke.92 We requested to know of him what was the cause of all this harsh and cruel treatment. He refused to give us any information at that time, but said he would in a few days; so we were compelled to continue in that situation—camping on the floor, all chained together, without any chance or means to be made comfortable, having to eat our victuals as they were served93 up to us, using our fingers and teeth instead of knives and forks. Whilst we were in this situation, a young man, of the name of Grant,94 brother-in-law to my brother, William Smith, came to see us, and put up at the tavern where General Clark made his quarters. He happened to come in time to see95 General Clark make choice of his men to shoot us on Monday morning, the twelfth day of November; he saw them make choice of their rifles, and load them with two balls in each; and after they had prepared their guns, General Clark saluted them by saying, ‘Gentlemen, you shall have the honour of shooting the Mormon leaders, on Monday morning at eight o’clock!’ But in consequence of the influence of our friends, [p.659]the heathen General was intimidated, so that he durst not carry96 his murderous design into execution, and sent a messenger immediately to Fort Leavenworth to obtain the military code of laws. After the messenger’s return, the General was employed, nearly a whole week, examining the laws, so Monday passed away without our being shot. However, it seemed like foolishness to me, for so great a man as General Clark pretended to be, should have to search the military law to find out whether preachers of the Gospel, who never did military duty, could be subject97 to court-martial. However, the General seemed to learn that fact after searching the military code, and came into the old log cabin, where we were under guard and in chains, and told us he had concluded to deliver us over to the civil authorities, as persons guilty of treason, murder, arson, larceny, theft, and stealing. The poor, deluded General did not know the difference between theft, larceny, and stealing. Accordingly, we were handed over to the pretended civil authorities, and the next morning our chains were taken off, and we were guarded to the Court-house, where there was a pretended court in session; Austin A. King being the judge, and Mr. Birch, the District Attorney, the two extremely, and very honourable gentlemen, who sat on the court-martial when we were sentenced to be shot. Witnesses were called up and sworn, at the point of the bayonet, and if they would not swear to the things they were told to do, they were threatened with instant death; and I do know, positively, that the evidence given in by those men, whilst under duress, was false. This state of things was continued twelve or fourteen days, and after that, we were ordered by the judge, to introduce some rebutting evidence, saying, if we did not do it, we would be thrust into prison. I could hardly understand what the judge meant, for I considered we were in prison already, and could not think of anything but the persecutions of the days of Nero, knowing that it was a religious persecution, and the court an inquisition; however, we gave him the names of forty persons, who were acquainted with all the persecutions and sufferings of the people. The judge made out a subpoena, and inserted the names of those men, and caused it to be placed in the hands of Bogard, the notorious Methodist minister, and he took fifty armed soldiers, and started for Far West. I saw the subpoena given to him and his company, when they started. In the course of a few days they returned with most all98 those forty men, whose names were inserted in the subpoena, and thrust them into jail, and we were not permitted [p.660]to bring one of them before the court; but the judge turned upon us, with an air of indignation, and said, ‘Gentlemen, you must get your witnesses, or you shall be committed to jail immediately, for we are not going to hold the court99 open, on expense, much longer for you, anyhow.’ We felt very much distressed and oppressed at that time. Colonel Wight said, ‘What shall we do? Our witnesses are all thrust into prison, and probably will be, and we have no power to do anything, of course we must submit to this tyranny and oppression; we cannot help ourselves.’ Several others made similar expressions, in the agony of their souls, but my brother Joseph did not say anything, he being sick at that time with the tooth-ache, and ague, in his face,100 in consequence of a severe cold brought on by being exposed to the severity of the weather. However, it was considered best by General Doniphan and Lawyer Reese, that we should try to get some witnesses, before the pretended court. Accordingly, I myself gave the names of about twenty other persons; the judge inserted them in a subpoena, and caused it to be placed in the hands of Bogard the Methodist priest, and he again started off with his fifty soldiers, to take those men prisoners, as he had done to the forty others. The judge sat and laughed at the good opportunity of getting the names, that they might the more easily capture them, and so bring them down to be thrust into prison, in order to prevent us from getting the truth before the pretended court, of which himself was the chief inquisitor or conspirator. Bogard returned from his second expedition, with one prisoner only, whom he also thrust into prison.101

“The people at Far West had learned the intrigue, and had left the state, having been made acquainted with the treatment of the former witnesses. But we, on learning that we could not obtain witnesses, whilst privately consulting with each other what we should do, discovered a Mr. Allen, standing by the window on the outside of the house; we beckoned to him as though we would have him come in. He immediately came in.102 At that time Judge King retorted upon us again, say-[p.661]ing, ‘Gentlemen, are you not going to introduce some witnesses; also, saying it was the last day he should hold the court open for us, and if we did not rebut the testimony that had been given against us, he should have to commit us to jail. I had then got Mr. Allen into the house, and before the court, so called. I told the judge we had one witness, if he would be so good as to put him under oath; he seemed unwilling to do so, but after a few moments’ consultation the state’s attorney arose and said, he should object to that witness being sworn, and, that he should object to that witness giving in his evidence at all; stating that this was not a court to try the case, but only a court of investigation on the part of the state. Upon this, General Doniphan arose, and said, ‘He would be God d—d, if the witness should not be sworn; and that it was a damned shame,103 that these defendants should be treated in this manner; that they could not be permitted to get one witness before the court, whilst all their witnesses, even forty at a time, have been taken by force of arms, and thrust into the bull pen—in order to prevent them from giving their testimony.’ After Doniphan sat down,104 the judge permitted the witness to be sworn, and enter upon his testimony. But so soon as he began to speak, a man by the name of Cook, who was a brother-in-law to priest Bogard, the Methodist, and who was a lieutenant, and whose place at that time was to superintend the guard, stepped in before the pretended court, and took him by the nape of his neck, and jammed his head down under the pole or log of wood that was placed up around105 the place where the inquisition was sitting, to keep the by-standers from intruding upon the majesty of the inquisitors, and jammed him along to the door, and kicked him out of doors. He instantly turned to some soldiers, who were standing by him and said to them106 ‘go and shoot him, d—n him, shoot him, d—n him.’107

“The soldiers ran after the man to shoot him—he fled for his life, and with great difficulty made his escape. The pretended court immediately arose, and we were ordered to be carried to Liberty, Clay county, and there to be thrust into jail. We endeavoured to find out for what cause, but, all that we could learn was, because we were ‘Mormons.’

Contextual note: Hyrum’s description of Austin King’s control of this case drew the following skeptical comments from Roger Launius:

[p.662]The Mormon refusal to compromise, first in the Jackson County case and later in others, placed Doniphan in the unenviable position of having to settle a case in which the Mormons would accept nothing less than total victory. As a result they got nothing.

Doniphan left no comments about this case, and Hyrum Smith’s statements about witness intimidation and outright jailing seem so egregious as to be unbelievable, even if irregularities and bias found display. It is more likely that Doniphan and his associates made a tactical decision not to tip the hand of their defense in preliminary hearings … Mounting a hefty defense at this time might even further incriminate his clients … The central question … becomes one of rectifying the Mormon affidavits made afterward with this argument. While there were some instances of abuse at the Richmond proceedings and anti-Mormonism expressed throughout it, the Mormons were writing accounts of the episode after the fact to establish their complete innocence of any wrongdoing. They downplayed or ignored altogether any of their actions that might be incriminating and, in some instances, may have fabricated abuse on the part of the judge and his entourage. (Alexander Doniphan, 21, 68-69)

Launius does not identify which incidents he thinks may have been fabricated, but he criticizes the laments of the leaders jailed during the admittedly “horrendous winter” of 1838-39: “They groused about the unfairness of it all, convincing themselves of the evil nature of the state of Missouri … They complained of the overt bias of the Richmond court of inquiry and of the wickedness of Austin King. They even whined about Doniphan’s inability to gain their immediate release and blamed him for conspiring with the Missourians to persecute the innocent Saints” (Launius, Alexander Doniphan, 68-69).

Launius thinks that Doniphan’s ability to get twenty-nine defendants released for lack of evidence and twenty-four more set free on bail (“they immediately fled, … an outcome anticipated and fully acceptable to King and Doniphan”) are signs of his successful strategy. Only twelve were still held in Richmond jail, charged with murder in the Crooked River battle, and, in Liberty Jail, Joseph and Hyrum Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, and Alexander McRae. Their court date was set for March 1839, the court’s next term. Doniphan filed a writ of habeas corpus to force the circuit court to convene on 25 January 1839. His friend, Joel Turnham, was the judge, but Turnham ruled against all of the seven defendants except Sidney Rigdon, who had chosen to defend himself. His eloquence in describing “the persecutions of the Saints” and his personal sufferings reduced everyone to tears and he was “freed on the spot.” He left Missouri on 5 February 1839 (ibid., 69-70). Launius does not explain why, if King’s verdict in the preliminary hearing was not abusive, that the March 1839 court term passed without their case being heard; finally, King ordered the prisoners moved to Daviess County for yet [p.663]another grand jury hearing. They were again bound over for trial. Doniphan succeeded in getting the venue changed to Boone County in the east and, while being transported, they were allowed to escape on 16 April (ibid., 69-70). See also LeSueur’s careful description and analysis, chap. 12, “The Richmond Court of Inquiry,” in which he concludes that Hyrum Smith lied in affirming that the Missourians fired their own homes to inflame popular opinion against the Mormons108 and also in claiming that Mormon military operations in Daviess Country were authorized by the state militia. He acknowledges that defense witnesses were intimidated and threatened with prosecution but finds unbelievable the claim that potential witnesses were immediately arrested since no first-person accounts support this claim. He agrees that the death of King’s brother-in-law, killed during the 1833 troubles in Jackson County, was a reason for him to recuse himself but finds claims of discrimination and prejudice about King exaggerated given that it was a preliminary hearing. He summarizes: “The hearing was properly held; the evidence against [the Mormons] was basically true; the judge committed them according to the evidence. Nevertheless, the judicial investigation, as a whole, was not fair because local officials did not examine the activities of non-Mormons who committed crimes during the disturbances. Blame for the conflict fell exclusively—and thus unjustly—upon the Mormons” (ibid., 207, 212-13, 217).

Coray/Pratt: 1853

The next morning a large waggon drove up to the door, and a blacksmith came into the house with some chains and handcuffs. He said his orders from the judge were to handcuff us, and chain us together. He informed us that the judge had made out a mittimus, and sentenced us to jail for treason; he also said, the judge had done this, that we might not get bail; he also said the judge stated his intention to keep us in jail, until all the ‘Mormons’ were driven out of the state; he also said that the judge had further stated, that if he let us out before the ‘Mormons’ had left the state, that we would not let them leave, and there would be another d—d fuss kicked up. I also heard the judge say myself, whilst he was sitting in his pretended court, that there was no law for us, nor the ‘Mormons’ in the state of Missouri; that he had sworn to see them exterminated, and to see the Governor’s order executed to the very letter, and that he would do so; however, the blacksmith proceeded, and [p.664]put the irons upon us, and we were ordered into the waggon, and were driven off for Clay county,109 and as we journeyed along on the road, we were exhibited to the inhabitants. And this course was adopted all the way, thus making a public exhibition of us, until we arrived at Liberty, Clay county. There we were thrust into prison again, and locked up, and were held there in close confinement for the space of six months, and our place of lodging110 was the square side of a hewed white oak log, and our food was anything but good and decent. Poison was administered to us three or four times; the effect it had upon our system, was, that it vomited us almost to death, and then we would lay some two or three days in a torpid, stupid state, not even caring or wishing for life. The poison being administered111 in too large doses, or it would inevitably have proved fatal, had not the power of Jehovah interposed on our behalf, to save us from their wicked purpose.112 We were also subjected to the necessity of eating human flesh for the space of five days, or go without food, except a little coffee, or a little corn bread—the latter I chose in preference to the former. We none of us partook of the flesh, except Lyman Wight. We also heard the guard which was placed over us, making sport of us, saying, that they had fed us upon ‘Mormon beef.’ I have described the appearance of this flesh to several experienced physicians, and they have decided that it was human flesh. We learned afterwards, by one of the guard, that it was supposed that that act of savage cannibalism, in feeding us with human flesh, would be considered a popular deed of notoriety, but the people, on learning that it would not take, tried to keep it secret; but the fact was noised abroad before they took that precaution. Whilst we were incarcerated in prison, we petitioned the supreme court of the state of Missouri, for habeas corpus, twice; but were refused both times, by Judge Reynolds,113 who is now the114 Governor of that state. We also petitioned one of the county judges for a writ of habeas corpus, which was granted in about three weeks afterwards, but were not115 permitted to have any trial—we were only taken out of jail, and kept out for a few hours, and then remanded back again. In the course of three or four days after that time, Judge Turnham came into the jail in the evening, [p.665]and said, he had permitted Mr. Rigdon to get bail, but said he had to do it in the night, and had also to get away in the night, and unknown to any of the citizens, or they would kill him, for they had sworn to kill him if they could find him. And as for the rest of us, he dared not let us go, for fear of his own life, as well as ours. He said it was d—d hard116 to be confined under such circumstances; for he knew we were innocent men! and he said the people also knew it; and that it was only a persecution and treachery, and the scenes of Jackson county acted over again, for fear that we would become too numerous in that upper country. He said the plan was concocted from the Governor, down to the lowest judge; and, that that Baptist priest,117 Riley, was riding into town every day to watch the people, stirring up the minds of the people against us all he could, exciting them, and stirring up their religious prejudices against us,118 for fear they would let us go. Mr. Rigdon, however, got bail, and made his escape to Illinois. The jailor, Samuel Tillery, Esq., told us also, that the whole plan was concocted by the Governor, down to the lowest judge, in that upper country, early in the previous spring, and that the plan was more fully carried out119 at the time that General Atchison went down to Jefferson city with Generals Wilson, Lucas, and Gillum, the selfstyled ‘DELAWARE CHIEF.’ This was some time in the month of September, when the mob were collected at De Witt, in Carroll county. He also told us that the Governor was now ashamed enough of the whole transaction, and would be glad to set us at liberty if he dared to do it; but, said he, you need not be concerned, for the governor has laid a plan for your release. He also said that Esquire Birch, the state’s attorney, was appointed to be circuit judge, on the circuit passing through Davies county, and that he (Birch) was instructed to fix the papers, so that we would be sure to be clear of any incumbrance in a very short time.

“Some time in April we were taken to Davies county, as they said, to have a trial; but when we arrived at that place, instead of finding a court or jury, we found another inquisition, and Birch, who was the district attorney—the same man who was one of the court-martial when we were sentenced to death—was now the circuit judge of that pretended court, and the grand jury that was empannelled were all at the massacre at Haun’s Mill, and lively actors in that awful, solemn, disgraceful, cool-blooded murder; and all the pretence they made of excuse was, they had done it,120 because the Governor or-[p.666]dered them to do it.121 The same jury sat as a jury in the day time, and were placed over us as a guard in the night time; they tantalized and boasted over us of their great achievements at Haun’s Mill and other places, telling us how many122 houses they had burned, and how many sheep, cattle, and hogs they had driven off123 belonging to the ‘Mormons,’ and how many rapes they had committed, and what kicking and squealing there was among the d—d bitches,124 saying that they lashed one woman upon one of the d—d ‘Mormon’ meeting benches, tying her hands and feet fast, and sixteen of them abused her as much as they had a mind to, and then left her bound and exposed in that distressed condition. These fiends of the lower region boasted of these acts of barbarity, and tantalized125 our feelings with them for ten days.126 We had heard of these acts of cruelty previous to this time, but were slow to believe that such acts of cruelty had been perpetrated. The lady who was the subject127 of their brutality did not recover her health, to be able to help herself, for more than three months afterwards.128 This grand jury constantly celebrated their achievements with grog and glass in hand, like the Indian warriors at their dances, singing and telling each other of their exploits, in murdering the ‘Mormons,’ in plundering their houses, and carrying off their property. At the end of every song, they would bring in the chorus, ‘God d—n God, God d—n Jesus Christ, God d—n the Presbyterians, God d—n the Baptists, God d—n the Methodists!’ reiterating one sect after another in the same manner, until they came to the ‘Mormons:’ to them it was, ‘God d— n, the God d—n Mormons! we have sent them to hell.’ Then they would slap their hands and shout, ‘Hosannah, hosannah, glory to God!’ and fall down on [p.667]their backs, and kick with their feet a few moments; then they would pretend to have swooned away in a glorious trance, in order to imitate some of the transactions at camp meetings. Then they would pretend to come out of their trance, and would shout, and again slap their hands, and jump up, while one would take a bottle of whiskey and a tumbler, and turn it out full of whiskey, and pour it down each other’s necks, crying, ‘D—n it, take it, you must take it;’ and if any one refused to drink the whiskey, others would clinch him, while another poured it down his neck, and what did not go down the inside went down the outside. This is part of the farce acted out by the grand jury of Davies county, while they stood over us as guards for ten nights successively. And all this in the presence of the great Judge Birch! who had previously said in our hearing that there was no law for ‘Mormons’ in the state of Missouri. His brother was then acting as district attorney in that circuit, and, if anything, was a greater cannibal129 than the judge. After all these ten days of drunkenness, we were informed that we were indicted for treason, murder, arson, larceny, theft, and stealing.130 We asked for a change of venue from that county to Marion county, but they would not grant it; but they gave us a change of venue from Davies to Boon county,131 and a mittimus was made out by the pretended Judge Birch, without date, name, or place. They fitted us out with a two-horse waggon and horses, and four men, besides the sheriff,132 to be our guard. There were five of us. We started from Gallatin, the sun about two hours high p.m.,133 and went as far as Diahman that evening, and staid till morning. There we bought two horses of the guard, and paid for one of them in our clothing which we had with us, and for the other we gave our note. We went down that day as far as Judge Morin’s, a distance of some four or five miles. There we staid until the morning, when we started on our journey to Boon county, and travelled on the road about twenty miles distance. There we bought a jug of whiskey, with which we treated the company, and while there the sheriff showed us the mittimus before referred to, without date or signature, and said that Judge Birch told him never to carry us to Boon county, and never to show the mittimus, ‘and,’ said he, ‘I shall take a good drink of grog, and go to bed, you may do as you have a mind to.’ Three others of the guard drank pretty freely of whiskey, sweetened with honey; they also went to bed, and were soon asleep, and the other guard went [p.668]along with us and helped to saddle the horses. Two of us mounted the horses, and the other three started on foot, and we took our change of venue for the state of Illinois, and, in the course of nine or ten days, we arrived in Quincy, Adams county, [Illinois,]134 where we found our families in a state of poverty, although in good health, they having been driven out of the state previously, by the murderous militia, under the exterminating order of the Executive of Missouri. And now the people of that state, a portion of them, would be glad to make the people of this state believe that my brother Joseph has committed treason, for the purpose of keeping up their murderous and hellish persecution; and they seem to be unrelenting, and thirsting for the blood of innocence, for I do know, most positively, that my brother Joseph has not committed treason,135 nor violated one solitary item of law or rule in the state of Missouri.

“But I do know that the ‘Mormon’ people, en masse, were driven out of that state after being robbed of all they had, and they barely escaped with their lives, as well as my brother Joseph, who barely escaped with his life. His family also were robbed of all they had, and barely escaped with the skin of their teeth, and all of this in consequence of the exterminating order of Governor Boggs, the same being confirmed by the Legislature of that state. And I do know, so does this court, and every rational man who is acquainted with the circumstances, and every man who shall hereafter become acquainted136 with the particulars thereof will know, that Governor Boggs, and Generals Clark, Lucas, Wilson, and Gillum, also Austin A. King, have committed treason upon the citizens of Missouri, and did violate the constitution of the United States, and also the constitution and laws of the state of Missouri, and did exile and expel, at the point of the bayonet, some twelve or fourteen thousand inhabitants from the state; and did murder some three or four hundreds137 of men, women, and children, in cold blood, and in the most horrid and cruel manner possible; and the whole of it was caused by religious bigotry and persecution, because the ‘Mormons’ dared to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own consciences, and agreeable to his divine will, as revealed in the Scriptures of eternal truth, and had turned away from following the vain traditions of their fathers, and would not worship138 according to the dogmas and commandments of those men who preach for hire and divine for money, and teach for doctrine the precepts139 of men, expecting that the constitu-[p.669]tion of the United States would have protected them therein. But, notwithstanding the ‘Mormon’ people had purchased upwards of two hundred thousand dollars’ worth of land, most of which was entered and paid for at the land office of the United States, in the state of Missouri; and although the President of the United States has been made acquainted with these facts, and the particulars of our persecutions and oppressions, by petition to him and to Congress, yet they have not even attempted to restore the ‘Mormons’ to their rights, or given any assurance that we may hereafter expect redress from them. And I do also know most positively and assuredly, that my brother, Joseph Smith, Senior, has not been in the state of Missouri since the spring of the year 1839. And further this deponent saith not.140


Lucy: 1844-45

Coray/Pratt: 1853



<Note> A 3 falls after city 6 lines from bottom of same column [T&S 4:250]. When this yelling commenced Mr Smith and I stood in the door of the house and in the midst of it 5 or 6 guns were discharged which we supposed to have been fired at them and of course concluded that they were shot down My Husband folded his arms tight over his breast grasping his sides with his hand and cried out groaning with mental agony Oh My God! My God! they have murdered my children <son> and I must die for I can I cannot live without them <him>. At the time when Joseph went into the enemy’s camp,141 Mr. Smith and myself stood in the door of the house in which we were then living, and could distinctly hear their horrid yellings. Not knowing the cause, we supposed they were murdering him. Soon after the screaming commenced, five or six guns were discharged. At this, Mr. Smith, folding his arms tightly across his heart, cried out, “Oh, my God! my God! they have killed my son! they have murdered him! and I must die, for I cannot live without him!
[p.670]The s I was unable to answer him in all our other troubles I had been able to speak a word of consolation to him but now I was could do nothing but mingle my cries and groans with his. Still the shr shrieking and screaming continued to [sic] tongue can ever express the sound that was conveyed to our ears nor the sensations that was produced in our hearts it was like the mingled screeching of hordes of owles of a hundred owls mingled who <with> with the howling of an army of blood hounds and the screaming of a thousand painters all famished [written over “famishing”] for the prey which was <being> torn piecemeal among them— [p.670]I had no word of consolation to give him, for my heart was broken within me—my agony was unutterable. I assisted him to the bed, and he fell back upon it helpless as a child, for he had not strength to stand upon his feet. The shrieking continued; no tongue can describe the sound which was conveyed to our ears; no heart can imagine the sensations of our breasts, as we listened to those awful screams. Had the army been composed of so many blood-hounds, wolves, and panthers, they could not have made a sound more terrible.
My husband threw himself upon the bed and was <immediately> taken sick and never wa regained his health afterwards although 2 years he lived 2 years after after— My husband was immediately taken sick, and never afterwards entirely recovered, yet he lived about two years, and was occasionally quite comfortable, and able to attend meetings.142
Note 4 follows the word Joseph <guard> at line left column Page 250 When they <Hyrum> arived at the camp he was seated143Note 4 follows people 4 line from bottom of P. 250. When the prisoners arrived at the camp they were seated on a log placed there for the purpose before they were taken [p.671]and the soldiers began to crowd round raging and swearing that they would shoot them several guns were snapped at them before any one interfered to tak protect them then Captain [blank] Martin ordered his men to pla surround the prisoners instantly with drawn swords and loaded muskets Now I swear by God if any <one> of atempts to harm a hair of the head of one of them prisoners I will cut his damned head off in a minute and men said he do you protect <them> and if any man offers to shoot lift a gun to his face to shoot them th prisoners cut him down instantly for they are innocent men. I know they are innocent just look at them they they show the fact in their very faces thatThis man was but a captain but he stood there on guard and kept his men at there places 2 nights and a day untill they were taken from this place. It will be seen by the testimony of Hyrum, that he was taken by the officers the next day after he arrived at the camp, and that he was seated with Joseph on a log, which was placed there for the purpose before he was taken. The soldiers crowded around them, and swearing that they would shoot them, snapped several [p.671]guns at them, before any one interfered for their protection. At length Captain Martin ordered his men to surround the prisoners with drawn swords and loaded muskets, “and now,” continued he, (drawing his own sword,) “I swear by God, that if any man attempts to harm a hair of their heads, I’ll cut his d—d head off the minute he does it. Do you (speaking to his men) protect them, and if any man attempts to lift his gun to his face to shoot those prisoners, cut him down instantly, for they are innocent men, I know they are innocent— look at them, they show it plainly in their very countenances.”This man was but a captain, yet he assumed the responsibility of protecting my sons. And for two nights and a day, he stood constantly on guard, keeping his men to their posts; he neither slept himself, nor suffered his company to rest, until Joseph and Hyrum were removed from the place.144
Note 5 falls after “see us” 16 line from the botom Page 251 right colum here is a small mistake when the news came to us that our sons were to be taken away the messenger told us that if we ever saw sons again alive we would have to go to them as they were in the waggon to [p.672]be driven away and would be gone in a few minutes. My husband was then too ill to be able to go but I and Lucy started alone for we were the only well ones of family when we came within about 400 yards of the waggon we could go no farther because of the men with which they were surrounded— When they were about starting from Far West, a messenger came and told us, that if we ever saw our sons alive,145 we must go immediately to them, for they were in a waggon that would start in a few minutes for Independence, and in all probability they would never return alive.146 Receiv-[p.672]ing this intimation, Lucy and myself set out directly for the place. On coming within about four147 hundred yards of the waggon, we were compelled to stop, for we could press no further through the crowd.
<I am the mother of the prophet I cried and> is there not a gentleman here I cried who will assist me through this crowd to that waggon that I may take a last look at my children and speak to them once more before they die one individual volunteered to make a pathway through the army and we went on through the midst of swords and muskets pistols and bayonets threatened with death at every step untill at last we arrived there. I therefore appealed to those around me, exclaiming, “I am the mother of the Prophet—is there not a gentleman here, who will assist me to that waggon, that I may take a last look at my children, and speak to them once more before I die?” Upon this, one individual volunteered to make a pathway through the army, and we passed on, threatened with death at every step, till at length we arrived at the waggon.
The man who accompanied me spoke to Hyrum who sat in front and told him his mother was there and wished him to reach his hand to her he he did so but I was not permited to see them for the cover of the waggon was tied made of very heavy cloth and tied closely down in front and nailed fast at the sides and I tho we shook hands withe him and [p.673]the other prisoners and who sat in the fore part of the waggon but before we left had time to do so several men exclaimed drive over them calling to us to get out of the way <and> swearing at us <and treatening> us in the most dreadful manner. The man who led us through the crowd spoke to Hyrum, who was sitting in front, and, telling him that his mother had come to see him, requested that he should reach his hand to me. He did so, but I was not allowed to see him: the cover was of strong cloth, and nailed down so close, that he could barely get his hand through. We had merely [p.673]shaken hands with him, when we were ordered away by the mob, who forbade any conversation between us, and, threatening to shoot us, they ordered the teamster to drive over us.
th Our friend then conducted us to the hinder part of the waggon where Joseph was and spoke to him saying Mr Smith your mother and sister is here and wishes to shake hands with you Joseph f shoved crowded his hand through between the waggon and cover where it was nailed down out <to> the end board I <we> caught hold of his hand but it he did not speak to us I could not bear to leave him with out hearing his voice Oh Joseph said I do speak to your poor mother once more. I cannot go untill I hear you speak God bless you Mother he said and then a cry was raised and the waggon dashed tearing my son from just as Lucy was pressing his hand to her to bestow upon it a sisters last kiss for we knew that they were sentenced to be shot we succeed in gettting to the house again although we were scarcely able to support ourselves— Our friend then conducted us to the back part of the waggon, where Joseph sat, and said, “Mr. Smith, your mother and sister are here, and wish to shake hands with you.” Joseph crowded his hand through between the cover and waggon,148 and we caught hold of it; but he spoke not to either of us, until I said, “Joseph, do speak to your poor mother once more—I cannot bear to go till I hear your voice.” “God bless you, mother!” he sobbed out. Then a cry was raised, and the waggon dashed off, tearing him from us just as Lucy was pressing his hand to her lips, to bestow upon it a sister’s last kiss—for he was then sentenced to be shot.
I will now return to my own family at home befor For sometime nothing was heard in the house but sighs and groans as we did not then know but we had seen Joseph and Hyrum for the last time but in the [p.674]midst of my grief I found consolation that surpassed all the earthly comfort I was filled with the spirit of God and received the following by the gift of prophecy— For some time our house was filled with mourning, lamentation, and woe; but, in the midst of my grief,149 I found consolation that surpassed all earthly comfort. I was filled with the Spirit of God, and re-[p.674]ceived the following by the gift of prophecy150:—
I Let your heart be comforted concerning your children for they live shall <not> harm a hair of their heads151 and before 4 years his <Joseph> shall speak before the judges and great men of the land and his voice shall be heard in their councils and befor <in> 5 years from this time he will have power over all his enemys “Let your heart be comforted concerning your children; they shall not be harmed by their enemies; and, in less than four years, Joseph shall speak before the judges and great men of the land, for his voice shall be heard in their councils. And in five years from this time he will have power over all his enemies.”
my children said do not cry any more the mob will not kill them for the Lord has signified to me that he will deliver them out of the hands of their enemies. This was a great comfort to us all and we were not so much distressed afterwards as to their lives being taken— This relieved my mind, and I was prepared to comfort my children. I told them what had been revealed to me, which greatly consoled them.
As soon as william was able to stir about a little he besaught his father to leave the place and move <move> to Illinois but Mr Smith would not consent to do this for he was in hopes that our sons would be liberated and peace be settled again William still expostulated with him but to no effect and he at last de-[p.675]clared that he would not go away from Far West unless he was called upon to do so by revelation very well Father said William I can give you revelation then and he rehearsed the vision which he had related to me—Mr Smith made answer to this that the family migh might get ready to start and then if we were obliged to go there would be nothing to hinder us— As soon as William was able to stir about a little he besought his father to move to Illinois, but Mr. Smith would not consent to this, for he was in hopes that our sons would be liberated, and peace again be restored. William continued to expostulate with him, but to no effect, as Mr. Smith declared that he would [p.675]not leave Far West, except by revelation. William said that he had revelation; that he himself knew that we would have to leave Far West. Mr. Smith finally said152 that the family might get ready to move, and then, if we were obliged to go, there would be nothing to hinder us.
Our buisness had been trading in corn and wheat as well as keeping a public house153 and when the state Mob came in we had some corn and wheat on hands but no or very little flour or meal and we sent a young man that lived with us to Mill with some 14 bags of Grain to be ground but he was obliged to leave in consequence of the mob who so near at hand that miller deemed it unsafe for him to allow the brethren to remain about his mill least they <mob> Militia should burn his premises—We were therefore obliged to blair our corn in a samp mortar154 to make bread of and it was all the bread stuff we had for a length of time— [p.676]but there were many who subsisted some time on parched corn for they were all driven in from the country and there was more than an acre of land in front of our house that was covered with beds laying in the open sun where men women and children were compelled to sleep in all weather for these were the last who had got into the city and all the houses were so full that there was no room for them. It was enough to make the heart ache to hear <see> children in the open sun and wind sick with colds and very hungry crying round their mothers for food and their parents destitute of the means of making them comfortable Our business in Far West had been trading in corn and wheat, as well as keeping a boarding house. When the mob came in, we had considerable grain on hand, but very little flour or meal, therefore we sent a man who was living with us to mill with fourteen sacks of grain; but the miller considered it unsafe to allow the brethren to remain about his premises, as the mob were near at hand, and he was afraid they would burn his buildings. Consequently, the young man returned without his grain, and, for bread-stuff, we were for a long time obliged to pound corn in a samp-mortar. [p.676]Many subsisted altogether upon parched corn for some length of time.The brethren were all driven in from the country. There was an acre of ground in front of our house, completely covered with beds, lying in the open sun, where families were compelled to sleep, exposed to all kinds of weather; these were the last who came into the city, and, as the houses were all full, they could not find a shelter. It was enough to make the heart ache to see the children, sick with colds, and crying around their mothers for food, whilst their parents were destitute of the means of making them comfortable.

Lucy: 1844-45

while their houses which lay a short distance from the city were pillaged of every thing eatable their fields thrown open for the horses belonging to mob to lay waste and destroy and their fat cattle shot down and turning to carrion before their eyes while a strong guard which was set over us for the purpose prevented us from making use of a particle of the stock that was killed on every side of us.

Lucy: 1844-45

There relate samuels The brethren had been warn Many

It may be said that this evil certainly might have been provided against if Joseph Smith had the spirit of prophecy to this I reply that he did all in his power to get the brethren to move into the city before they heard of the mob but they did not hearken to council and let this be an everlasting warning to the [p.677]saints not to reject the councill of the authorities of the church because they do not understand the reason of its being given you

if the brethren at at Hauns Mill had observed to do what they were advised repeatedly to do their lives would no doubt have been preserved for they would have been at Far West with the rest of the brethren

Coray/Pratt: 1853

It may be said that, if Joseph Smith had been a Prophet, he would have foreseen the evil, and provided against it. To this I reply, he did all that was in his power to prevail upon his brethren to move into Far West, before the difficulty commenced, and at a meeting, three weeks previous, he urged the brethren to make all possible haste in moving both their houses and their provi-[p.677]sions into the city. But this counsel appeared to them unreasonable and inconsistent, therefore they did not heed it.

If the brethren at Haun’s Mill had hearkened to counsel, it would, without doubt, have saved their lives;155

William I shall not attempt here to give a detail of facts which h are already published my Mind is loath to dwell upon these days of sorrow and more than is necessary my readers will will find a relation of these many things in the various publications which were writen during that years and the year following the sa that will satisfactory to them an things which I did not see but and therfore shall not attempt to write— but, as the consequences of their negligence are already published,156 and as my mind is loth to dwell upon these days of sorrow, I shall only give those facts which have not been published.
When William began to be able to walk he went to the stable to see after his horse and not finding him he enquired of one of the mob officers where his horse was. And the officers replied that he had sent him with a dispatch to another part of the county and the messenger had [p.678]taken him William told him thatthe horse must be returned for he would not have him used in any such way in a little while the despatch came up and William took the horse by the bridle and ordered the rider to dismount and the officer also ca seconding the order it was obeyed and the <was> horse led to the stable In as the saints were now moving from While the mob was in the city, William went out one day to feed his horse, but the horse was gone. It was not long, however, before a soldier, who had been absent on a despatch,157 rode him into the yard. William took the horse by the bridle, and ordered the soldier to dismount, [p.678]which he did, and left the horse in William’s hands again.
Soon after this the brethren were compelled to on lay down their arms and sign away their property it was done immediately in front of our house and could hear <Cap> Wilson Gen. Clarks speech <and> when he distinctly in which he declared that my sons should must die that “there<ir> die was cast their doom was fixed their fate was sealed and &” and also that “if he could invoke the spirit of the unknown God to rest upon us he would advise us to scatter abroad &c” Soon after this the brethren were compelled to lay down their arms, and sign away their property. This was done quite near our house, so that I could distinctly hear General Clark’s notable speech on this occasion;158 and, without any great degree of alarm, I heard him declare, concerning Joseph and Hyrum, that “their die was cast, their doom was fixed, and their fate was sealed.”
And I thought of the words of Paul to the Athenians of the scripture which saith Ye “know not God I speak this to your shame”159 for Gen. Clark did not know that he could not measure arms with the Almighty or he would not have told so [p.679]positively what was to befall my imprisoned children160 Soon after Hyrum left home his youngest son was born this was his second wife’s first child her confinement was considered rather premature being probably brought on by her extreme anxiety about her husbtand whom she never saw but once afterwards before she left the state in which he was held a prisoner she suffered in her sickness beyond description but in her afflictions her sister stood by her and devoted her whole time to Nursing and comforting her as they were equally alone as respected their husbands for one was imprisoned and the other flying for his life Mor However she gained sufficient strength to accompany Emma to the prison once before they left the state.161 [p.679]Not long after Hyrum left home, Joseph,162 his youngest son, was born. This was Mary’s first child.163 She never saw her husband but once after she became a mother before leaving the state. She suffered beyond description in her sickness, but, in all her afflictions, her sister, Mrs. [Mercy Rachel Fielding] Thompson, stood by her to nurse and comfort her, and, by the best of attention, she gained sufficient strength to accompany Emma to the prison once before she left the state. At this time, my husband sent to Joseph to know if it was the will of the Lord that we should leave the state. Whereupon Joseph sent him a revelation which he had received while in prison, which satisfied my husband’s mind, and he was willing to remove to Illinois as soon as possible.
After this william repaired with his family to Quincy and from thence to Plymouth where he settled himself and sent the team back after us.164  
[p.680]Mr Smith sent William <to Joseph and got a revelation> made his arrangements as soon as possible to remove his family to Illinois and in a short time had them comfortably situated in the town of Plymouth and sent back his team for his fathers family [p.680]After this, William took his own family, without further delay, to Quincy, thence to Plymouth, where he settled himself, and afterwards sent back the team for his father’s family.165
but we loaded the waggon with our goods but just before we were ready to start he word came that Sydney rigdons family were ready to start and they must have the waggon Just as we got our goods into the waggon, a man came to us and said, that Sidney Rigdon’s family were ready to start, and must have the waggon immediately. Accordingly, our goods were taken out, and we were compelled to wait until the team could come after us again.
thus we were compeled to remain a season longer untill William sent again the waggon was again loaded and again unloaded for another messenger came saying that Emma my sons wife was ready and she must have the waggon however we after a long time succeeded in getting one waggon in which to convey beds and clothing for My own family and 2 of our sons in law and their families and this was our dependance for a place to ride and to convey all our baggage.166 Don Carlos my youngest [p.681]son was in company with us he rode with his wife and children in a one horse buggy and the greatest part of their baggage was in our waggon. We put our goods into the waggon a second time, but the waggon was wanted for Emma and her family, so our goods were again taken out. However, we succeeded after a long time, in getting one single waggon to convey beds, clothing, and provisions for our family, Salisbury’s family,167 and Mr. M‘Lerry’s168 family, besides considerable luggage for Don Carlos, who, with his family and the remainder of his baggage, was [p.681]crowded into a buggy,169 and went in the same company with us.170
In consequence of our crowded situation we left a large stock of provision and most of our furniture los in boxes and barrels in the house— For the want of teams, we were compelled to leave most of our provisions and furniture.171
but that was not the worst for our horses were what is termed wind broken and every hill which we came to we were obliged to get out and walk which was bothe tiresome to the patience and the body. Another inconvenience which we suffered was, the horses were windbroken, consequently we were obliged to walk much of the way, especially up all the hills, which was very tiresome.172
The first day we arrived at the house one Mr. a place called Tinney’s Grove where we lodged in an old log house and spent a rather uncomfortable manner the day after I travelled on foot half the day and at night came to the house of one Mr. Thomas who was then a member of the Church My husband was very much out of health as he had not yet recovered from the shock occasioned by the cature of Hyrum and Joseph and he sufferred much with a sever cough— The first day we arrived at a place called Tinney’s Grove,173 where we lodged over night in an old log house, which was very uncomfortable. Half of the succeeding day I travelled on foot. That night we stayed at the house of one Mr. Thomas, who was then a member of the Church.174
[p.682]the 3thrd day in the afternoon we so it commenced raining when night arrived we stopped at a house and asked permission to stay over night the man of the house showed us a miserable out door house which filthy enough to sicken the stomach even to look at it and told us if we would clean this place out and haul our own wood we might lodge there as to wood that was so far off that at the late hour in which we arrived there it was not possible to get any but we cleaned out the place so that as to be able to lay our beds down and <here we> spent the night without fire the next morning we demanded our kind the land lord charged us 75 cents for the use of this shed [p.682]On the third day, in the afternoon, it began to rain. At night we stopped at a house, and asked permission to stay till morning. The man to whom we applied showed us a miserable out-house, which was filthy enough to sicken the stomach, and told us if we would clean this place, and haul our own wood and water, we might lodge there. To this we agreed, and with much trouble, we succeeded in making a place for our beds. For the use of this loathsome hovel, he charged us seventy-five cents.
and we went on in the pouring rain we asked for shelter at many places but were refused admitance & untill near night we travelled through the rain and mud without finding any one who was willing to take us in175 [p.683]at last we came to another place very much like the one where we spent the night before here we staid all night without fire. We travelled all the next day in a pouring rain. We asked for shelter at many places, but were refused. At last we came to a place quite like the one where we spent the previous night. Here we spent the night without fire.
The day after which was the 5 from the time we started we got to Palmira here we stopped just before we came to this place Don carlos called to us and said Father this exposure is too bad and I will not bear it any longer and the first place I come to that looks comfortable I shall drive up to the house and stop go in and do you follow me [p.683]On the fifth day, just before arriving at Palmyra, in Missouri,176 Don Carlos called to Mr. Smith, and said, “Father, this exposure is too bad, and I will not bear it any longer; the first place that I come to that looks comfortable, I shall drive up and go into the house, and do you follow me.”
we soon came to a handsome, neat looking farm <house> which was surrounded with every appearance of comfort. The house stood a short distance from the road but there was a large gate which opened into the field in front of it. Don Carlos opened the gate and drove into the field and then after he had assisted us through he left us and started to see the landlord who met him before he came to the house—Land-[p.684]lord said D.C. I do not know but I am trespassing but I have with me an aged father who is sick besides My Mother and a number of <women with> small children we have now travelled 2 days and a half in this rain and we shall die if we are compelled to go much farther and <but> if you will allow us to stay with you over night we will pay you any price for our accommodations. We soon came to a farmhouse, surrounded with every appearance of plenty. The house was but a short distance from the road, having in front of it a large gate. Through this Don Carlos drove, without hesitating to ask the privilege, and, after assisting us through, he started to the house, and, meeting the landlord, he said, “I do not know but that I am trespassing, but I have with me an aged father, who is sick, besides my [p.684]mother, and a number of women, with small children. We have travelled two days and a half in this rain, and if we are compelled to go much further, we shall all of us die. If you will allow us to stay with you over night, we will pay you almost any price for our accommodation.”
Why what do you mean sir said the gentleman do you not consider us human beings or that do you think that we would turn Any thing that was flesh and blood away from our doors in such a time as this where is your parents drive your waggons to the door and help your wife children out I will attend to the others— “Why, what do you mean, sir!” said the gentleman, “Do you not consider us human beings! Do you think that we would turn any thing that is flesh and blood from our door, in such a time as this! Drive up to the house and help your wife and children out: I’ll attend to your father and mother and the rest of them.”
he then assisted Mr Smith and myself out into the room where his lady was sitting but as she was not well and he was affraid the dampness of this room might cause177 her to take cold he ordered a black servant to make her a fire in another room he the took helped each one of the family into the house and hung their cloaks and shawls and as he hung them up to dry he said he never in his life saw a family in so uncomfortable from the effects of rainy weather. The landlord then assisted Mr. Smith and myself into the room in which his lady was sitting, but as she was rather ill, and he feared that the dampness of our clothing would cause her to take cold, he ordered a black servant to make a fire for her in another room. He then assisted each of our family into the house, and hung up our cloaks and shawls to dry.
[p.685]At this house we had every thing that could conduce to our comfort as this gentleman Whose name was Esqr. Man did all that he could do to assist us he brought us milk for our children hauled us water to wash with furnished good beds to sleep in &c. &c. in short he left nothing undone [p.685]At this house we had everything which could conduce to comfort. The gentleman, who was Esquire Mann, brought us milk for our children, hauled us water to wash with, and furnished us good beds to sleep in.
and in the evening he remarked that he had been sent by the people to the as a representative from the county the year before and at the house of representatives he met one Mr Carroll who was sent there from the county where the Mormons resided and said Squire Man if I ever felt like fight any man it was him for he never raised his hand nor his voice in behalf of that abused people once while the house was in session and my blood boiled to hear b how they were treated but I never was a member of the house before and had not sufficient confidence to take a stand in their behalf upon the floor or I would have done it if and had been a man of a little more experience In the evening, he remarked that he was sent by his county, the year before, to the House of Representatives, where he met one Mr. Carroll, who was sent from the county in which the “Mormons” resided; “and if ever,” said Esquire Mann, “I felt like fighting any man, it was him. He never once raised his voice, nor even his hand, in behalf of that abused people, once while the House was in session. I was never a member of the House before, and had not sufficient confidence to take a stand upon the floor in their behalf, as I should have done, had I been a man of a little more experience.”
After spending the night here with this good man we set out again the next morning although it still rained for we were obliged to travel in order to avoid being detained by high water we went on through mud and rain untill we arrived 178within 6 miles of the Mississipi river [p.686]here the ground beca was low and swampy so much so that a person on foot would sink in above their ancles at every step here also the weather grew colder and it commenced snowing and hailing but notwithstanding all this we were compelled to go on foot as the horses were not able to draw us After spending the night with this good man, we proceeded on our journey, although it continued raining, for we were obliged to travel through mud and rain to avoid being detained by high water. When we came within six miles of the Mississippi river, [p.686]the weather grew colder, and, in the place of rain, we had snow and hail; and the ground between us and the river was so low and swampy, that a person on foot would sink in over his ancles179 at every step, yet we were all of us forced to walk, or rather wade, the whole six miles.
als we were were crossing this place Lucy lost her shoes several times and her father had to thrust his cane into the mud to ascertain where they were because they were so completely covered with mud and water  
when we came to the river we could not cross nor yet find a place of shelter for there were many saints there waiting to go over into quincy we the snow had now fallen to the depth of 6 inch<es> and was still falling but we were very tired and we we made up our beds on the snow and went to rest with what comfort we might under such circumstances On reaching the Mississippi, we found that we could not cross that night, nor yet find a shelter, for many Saints were there before us, waiting to go over into Quincy. The snow was now six inches deep, and still falling. We made our beds upon it, and went to rest with what comfort we might under such circumstances.
the next morning we were covered with snow as we lay in our beds but b we rose and after considerable pains succeeded in folding up our frozen bedding we tried to light a fire but finding it impossible we resigned ourselves to our situation and waited patiently for some oppertunity to offer itself for crossing the river The next morning our beds were covered with snow, and much of the bedding under which we lay was frozen. We rose and tried to light a fire, but, finding it impossible, we resigned ourselves to our comfortless situation.180
[p.687]soon after samuel came over from Quincy and finding us he with seymore Brunsons assistance obtained permission of the ferryman to have us cross that day and about sunset we a landed in Quincy where samuel had hired a house into which we moved although it was already occupied by <and when we got into it we our household consisted of> five other families name namely Mr Smith and myself with our daughter and henry and Hyran Holt [Hoit?] also the family of Samuel Smith Jenkins Saulsbury Mr. McLery and brother Graves—181 [p.687]Soon after this, Samuel came over from Quincy, and he, with the assistance of Seymour Brunson, obtained permission of the ferryman for us to cross that day. About sunset, we landed in Quincy. Here Samuel had hired a house, and we moved into it, with four other families.182


1. GAS on Pratt wrote “1838” in the margin.

2. The Smith family finances were particularly strained. Don Carlos, in a letter to Joseph Jr. on 6 July nine miles north of Terre Haute, Indiana, when they had been on the road for two months, reported with considerable discouragement: “We were disappointed on every hand before we started in getting money. We got no assistance whatever, only as we have taken in Sister Singly [she and the Lewis Robbins family were traveling with the Smiths], and she has assisted us as far as her means extended. We had, when we started, $75 in money. We sold the two cows for $13.40 per cow. We have sold of your goods to the amount of $45.74, and now we have only $25 to carry twenty-eight souls and thirteen horses five hundred miles … All the arrangements that brother Hyrum left for getting money failed; they did not gain us one cent” (HC 3:43). He painted a bleak picture of circumstances, even as he expressed confidence: “We have lived very close and camped out knight, notwithstanding the rain & cold, & my baby only 2 weeks old when we started … We have had unaccountable bad roads, had our horses down in the mud, and broke of[f] one wagon tongue and thills, and broke down the carriage twice and yet we are all alive and camped on a dry place for allmost the first time … Agness is very feeble Father & Mother are not well but verry much fatigued, Mother has a severe cold, and it is nothing in fact but the prayer of faith and the power of God, that will sustain them and bring them through, our courage is good and I think we shall be brought through” (Compton, 149).

3. GAS on Pratt struck out this sentence and wrote in the margin, “son[.] See page 43. Alvin Borne [sic] June 7, 1838.” He also replaced “daughter” with “son” in the margin of the next sentence. GAS on Coray: “of Catharine’s daughter <son, Alvin.>” IE and Nibley: “Catharine’s son Alvin.” Nibley note: “These circumstances illustrate the difficulty the Smith family had on their journey to Missouri in the summer of 1838.”

4. Coray: “in getting a more comfortable place for Catharine and her infant daughter [GAS: daughter <son>] about four miles distant . . .”; IE and Nibley: “and her infant about …”

5. GAS: “McLerie”; RLDS: “McCleary”; IE and Nibley: “and her husband McLerie …”

6. Huntsville, the seat of Randolph County, was a mile and a half east of the Chariton River. Zion’s Camp had passed through this town in 1834.

7. GAS on Coray: “more than four miles <far in> a day …” IE and Nibley follow GAS.

8. RLDS: “relieved from …”

9. Coray: “Jenkins Saulisbury”

10. Coray: “30 miles …”

11. Nibley but not IE: “fever for sometime.”

12. Nibley note: “The Smith family arrived at Far West in July, 1838.”

13. Coray: “for a large family.”

14. IE and Nibley: “we should take a tavern house, which he had recently purchased.”

15. IE and Nibley: “Marrowbone, Daviess county.” Marrowbone Creek in Daviess County received its first Mormon settlers in the summer of 1838. It was south of Adam-ondi-Ahman and north of Far West in a nearly straight line. Samuel was one of about a hundred Mormon settlers, including the families of John Lowe Butler, James Emmett, Elisha H. Groves, Levi Taylor, Owen McGee, and other families (Hartley, My Best, 38-39).

16. GAS: “Daviess County”; RLDS: “Daviess County”

17. GAS on Pratt crossed out the name instead of correcting it to “John Lowe Butler.” In the margin he has written “arrange note.” GAS on Coray: “one of the mob struck brother John Butler a heavy blow, which was returned by the latter, with a force that brought his antagonist to the ground <knocked down one of the brethren>.” George A. apparently took this action when Wilford Woodruff wrote Butler on 29 March 1859, inquiring if the incident was factual and apparently did not receive an answer (Searle, 397). Butler’s own autobiography confirms his use of an oak stave in the Gallatin fight; however, by May 1859, he was so ill that he requested release from his duties as a bishop in Spanish Fork. (George A. Smith was one of three general authorities who reviewed the request.) Butler died on 10 April 1860 (Hartley, My Best, 388, 342-43, 347). IE and Nibley: “struck a brother a heavy blow.”

18. Coray: “aid”

19. Coray: “be train day …”

20. Coray: “we have come to kill …”

21. IE and Nibley omit “but”

22. Coray: “at rest; but inches.” This is a copying error.

23. IE and Nibley: “the”

24. On 8 August, Joseph, Hyrum, and his party called on Adam Black, justice of the peace and judge elect for Daviess County. He signed a statement that he would not support the anti-Mormons. He later said he had been forced to sign under duress (Allen and Leonard, 134).

25. Coray: “to recover. For a few days after William’s arrival, there were some circumstances that transpired, of which I have no personal knowledge; and I shall not attempt to rehearse them, as the events which have succeeded, have so obliterated them from my mind, that I am not able to give a correct account of them.”

26. Nibley note: “Samuel H. B. Smith, born August 1, 1838.”

27. GAS on Pratt: “three days <weeks> old, his father was compelled to leave, and, on the fourth <next> day of its existence …” In the outside margin (this page is a verso), he added the date “Aug. 1st 1838” horizontally and wrote twice vertically: “See page 43.” The first of these notations spans the paragraph above this editing, beginning “About this time, we heard” and ending “soon began to recover.” The second begins with the line “leave, and, on the fourth <next>” and ends even with the line terminating “either for them or …” In the gutter he has written horizontally “next day” again. IE and Nibley: “was three weeks old, his father … and on the next day his mother was informed …”

Arguments in favor of Lucy’s timetable are these: (1) It seems unlikely that Mary would have still been bedfast three weeks after the child’s birth. Women traditionally stayed in bed about ten days after giving birth in the nineteenth century. The dangerous state of Mary’s health once she reaches Far West can be adequately explained by thirty-six hours in a pouring rain storm and a jolting wagon without any food while trying to keep a baby and two toddlers dry with no shelter but the already soaked bedding. (2) It also seems unlikely that Samuel would have left her, apparently alone, only two days after she had given birth. (True, Joseph Jr. often left Emma within a couple of days of her childbirths, but she was nearly always with other family members, including Lucy.) If the birth had been so grueling that Mary was still unable to be out of bed after three weeks, it seems even less likely that Samuel would have left her. The argument in favor of George A.’s three-week schedule is that there had been tension but no open outbreak of hostility until after the election day fight at Gallatin a week after Samuel H. B.’s birth. The neighbors’ concern for Mary’s physical safety seems reasonable after that point but somewhat unmotivated earlier.

28. New page: “15” is handwritten at the top left and right margins with this notation in a hand-drawn box between the numbers: “NB Don Carlos Smith’s mission with George Smith also his letters while absen. put in.” For these items, see Appendix.

29. Coray: “ … to Far West. Where he arrived with them about 36 hours … left Marr home untill they arrived in Far West. Mary his wife was entirely speechless and stiffened …”

30. Coray: “… began to revive …”

31. In Lucy’s October 1845 conference address, she described this period in Missouri: “William was taken sick—Samuels wife & others and I had twenty or thirty sick to take care of during the mobbing—I felt strong in health—I could take care of thirty sick then better than sit on my chair now” (Lucy Smith, Minutes, Bolton version, pp. 10-11).

32. Here appears a hand-drawn empty rectangular box.

33. In Lucy’s October 1845 conference address, she added additional details to this vision: “While William lay sick he had a vision & saw the mob come in—he said he saw them come in thousands & thousands & he said Mother you will be driven & says he if I die I want you to take care of my wife—I want you to carry my corps [sic] wherever you go” (Lucy Smith, Minutes, Bolton version, p. 11).

34. GAS struck out this paragraph with horizontal, vertical, and diagonal lines. IE and Nibley also omit it.

35. New page: “16,” surrounded with curlicue circles, is written at the top right and left margins.

36. This instruction would take the copyist to the following sentence: “It was entirely laid waste by the horses of the army, and the next day after the arrival of the army, towards evening Colonel Hinkle came up …” (5:250). Lucy then dictates her instructions about where to insert her information about Hinkle into Hyrum’s affidavit. (See below.)

37. GAS on Coray: “my son Hyrum <when Joseph was>, before the Municipal court, <on a writ of Habeas Corpus> at Nauvoo, June 30, 1843. when Joseph was tried for treason against the state of Missouri:—” IE and Nibley: “ … my son Hyrum, when Joseph was before the Municipal Court, at Nauvoo, June 30, 1843, on a writ of habeas corpus.” The case opened on 30 June, where Hyrum’s affidavit was presented on 1 July 1843 before Nauvoo’s municipal court in the matter of Joseph’s extradition hearing. William Marks was chief justice. Associate justices were Daniel H. Wells, Newel K. Whitney, George W. Harris, Gustavus Hills, and Hiram Kimball. Also making affidavits during the same hearing were Parley P. Pratt (who was arrested in Missouri at the same time as Joseph and Hyrum but imprisoned at Richmond, rather than at Liberty), fellow prisoners Sidney Rigdon and Lyman Wight, and two who were not arrested (Brigham Young and George W. Pitkin). Hyrum’s affidavit is reproduced as part of “Municipal Court of the City of Nauoo, Illinois,” Times and Seasons 4, no. 16 (1 July 1843): 243-56, and also in History of the Church 3:404-24. There are numerous small differences between the two accounts: grammatical corrections (“compelled to lay” becomes “compelled to lie”), word order, numbers spelled out or given as numerals, more paragraphing and long sentences broken into shorter ones in the HC account, the silent correction of typographical errors, spelling variations in proper nouns (DeWitt, Gillum, and Bogard in the Times and Seasons become De Wit, Gillium, and Bogart in the HC), and the HC also adds brackets to clarify the text (e.g., “He was buried by Lucius N. Scovil, who is now [1843] the senior Warden of the Nauvoo [Masonic] Lodge.”) The few substantive changes are identified in the notes.

38. Coray footnote: “This testimony was given after the death of his father …”

39. Coray: “against the state …”

40. HC 3:405: “obtaining water …”

41. Coray: “hogs or cattle, and threatening them with utter extermination or destruction”

42. HC 3:406: “he at once returned …”

43. HC 3:406: “so that many of the inhabitants …”

44. RLDS: “willing to do all that he could …”

45. RLDS: “state of great alarm …”

46. GAS on Coray: “Bogart.” He makes this correction on most, but not all, occurrences of the name in this affidavit.

47. Coray: “Sashall”

48. HC 3:407 and RLDS: “for all he cared …”

49. GAS: “Tennessee”; HC 3:408: “Tennessee [on a mission]”

50. HC 3:408: “made no order about it.”

51. IE and Nibley: “portentious”

52. HC 3:409: “on the south …”

53. Coray: “heart-rending”

54. HC 3:410: “intended”

55. IE and Nibley: “we will”

56. IE and Nibley: “of ”

57. Coray and Times and Seasons (T&S) 4:249: “britch” here and in the sentence below about Powell.

58. Coray: “Scoville”

59. Nibley (but not IE): “beaten”

60. Times and Seasons 4:250: “and his brains run out …”; IE and Nibley omit: “and his brains ran out in two or three places.”

61. Times and Seasons 4:250: “and hallow …”; Coray: “and hallow …”; RLDS: “and halloa …”; HC 3:411: “and halloo …”

62. Nibley: “the Mormons but …”

63. This quotation mark, a typographical error, is not replicated in IE or Nibley.

64. Times and Seasons 4:250: “Nehemiah Conpstock”; Coray: “ … but under the superior command of Col Ashby, but under the superior command of Captain Nehemiah Comstock”

65. Coray and Times and Seasons 4:250: “massacreed the whole population …”; HC 3:412: “and massacred nearly the whole population …”

66. Nibley: “by”

67. IE and Nibley: “ball through”

68. Coray: “subsistance”

69. Coray: “by the horses of the army towards evening …”

70. RLDS: “George Robinson”

71. This note is on the same page as the completion of “Comment” (above) and “Note 3,” describing Joseph Sr.’s and Lucy’s reaction to Joseph Jr.’s arrest at the beginning of chap. 50.

72. Coray: “this time the main body of the army …”

73. HC 3:413: “howlings”; RLDS: “hallooings”

74. At this point, Lucy’s rough draft reads: “ <Note> A 3 falls after city 6 lines from bottom of same column. When this yelling commenced …” Lucy here describes the reaction she and her husband had to the invasion of the city. See material paired with the beginning of chap. 50.

75. RLDS: “They were compelled …”

76. Nibley: “the houses”

77. Nibley: “was”

78. Nibley: “salutation was, ‘You have …”

79. Nibley: “the honor of it, or any disgrace of it …”

80. Coray: “the honour of it; therefore I have ordered my brigade to take up a line of march …”

81. Peter H. Burnett, a frontier attorney not identified in Hyrum Smith’s affidavit or in History of the Church, says that he was, with Amos Rees and Alexander Doniphan, employed as counsel by Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and Lyman Wight in early 1839. He was in the militia, not acting as an attorney, when Joseph and Hyrum Smith were arrested, but he agrees that the court-martial condemning them to death was illegal: “These men had never belonged to any lawful military organization, and could not, therefore, have violated military law. I … went to Doniphan and assured him that we of Clay County would stand by him” (53, 63). Burnett also left an arresting portrait of Joseph Smith’s charisma (66-67) during this period when, in March 1839, Burnett represented the Smiths as co-counsel with Rees in Daviess County’s district court.

82. Nibley: “was”

83. Throughout, Times and Seasons and Coray use “damned” and “by God”; Pratt, HC, and IE use “by God” but “d——d”; Nibley silently omits both.

84. Joseph Smith III reports visiting Alexander Doniphan in Richmond, Missouri, in 1884 with his brother Alexander. Joseph describes Doniphan, then in his seventies, as “a tall, handsome, and splendidly-built man.” Joseph thanked him, on behalf of the family, for his refusal to carry out the execution of Joseph and Hyrum in Far West. Then “I asked him how it had happened that he, so young a man . . . had had the courage to defy his superior officers and take such a stand against their definite orders. His reply was that it was because of that very youth; that he had come of a long-lived race, would doubtless live to a good old age, and felt that he could not afford to go through a long life with the blood of helpless fellow men upon his hands.

“He was a very unassuming man and quite modest. He even blushed a little over our compliments and our expressed gratitude” (JS III, 35-36).

85. See Jacob 6:9: “… will bring you to stand with shame and awful guilt before the bar of God?”; Acts 3:19: “Repent ye therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out, when the times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord.”

86. Coray: “utter to them one word …”

87. Nibley but not IE: “sister”

88. IE and Nibley: “exhorbitant”

89. IE and Nibley: “the”

90. Nibley: “ridden”

91. RLDS: “Colonel (Sterling) Price”

92. IE and Nibley: “Clark.”

93. Coray: “our victuals as it was served …”

94. RLDS: “by the name of Grant …”; HC 3:417: “by the name of Jedediah M. Grant …”

95. RLDS: “to come in to see …”

96. HC 3:417: “influence of our friend, the inhuman general was intimidated, so that he dared not carry …”

97. Nibley: “subjected”

98. Nibley: “with most of ”

99. Nibley: “testimony”

100. HC 3:418: “toothache and pain in his face …”

101. Sidney Rigdon’s affidavit, created on 1 July 1843 at the same time as Hyrum’s, gives a different version of the witness situation, although Rigdon acknowledges that he was too ill to attend the court sessions and is describing evening discussions between the prisoners and their defense counsel. As he tells it, Doniphan and Rees advised the Mormons “not to introduce any evidence at that trial. Doniphan said it would avail us nothing, for the judge would put us in prison, if a cohort of angels were to come and swear we were innocent.” He also warned that if the prisoners identified potential witnesses “a band … would go and drive them out of the country, or arrest them and have them cast into prison, or else kill them to prevent them from swearing. It was finally concluded to let the matter be so for the present” (HC 3:464).

102. Coray does not include this sentence.

103. HC 3:419: “He would be ————if the witness should not be sworn, and that it was a damned shame …”; Nibley: “be ————, if the witness should not be sworn; and that it was a d——d shame …’”

104. Coray: “Doniphan had done speaking …”

105. HC 3:19: “wood, that was around …”

106. GAS has written a headnote on this page: “Elihu Allen.”

107. Nibley: “‘Go and shoot him, shoot him.’”

108. According to Clark Johnson (“Let Far West,” 244n52), this attempt to frame the Mormons happened only once and only in Millport.

109. Coray: “and they drove off for Clay county …”

110. HC 3:420: “lodging [bed]”

111. RLDS: “The poison was administered …”

112. Nibley: At this point, Nibley inserts ellipses, his second use of them, then omits the four sentences: “We were also subjected … took that precaution.”

113. RLDS: “by John Reynolds”

114. Nibley: “who is now for the …”

115. Nibley: “but we were not …”

116. Nibley: “it was hard”

117. Coray: “and, that, that damned Baptist priest …”

118. Coray: “stirring up their minds against us …”

119. Coray: “was manfully carried out …”

120. Coray: “excuse was they the Governor made them do it”; RLDS: “ … excuse was, that they had done it …”

121. Nibley: “to do it.” His third and last ellipsis occurs at this point. He omits the next section describing rapes and drunken ceremonies, beginning: “The same jury” and ending: “larceny, theft, and stealing.”

122. Coray: “Haun’s Mills and other places telling how many …”

123. RLDS: “driven off. [rest of the sentence describing the rape omitted] These fiends …”

124. HC 3:422: “the d—— b——-s …”

125. Times and Seasons 4:255 and Coray: “tauntalized”

126. Joseph Smith gives the dates differently (HC 3:309-15); they arrived at Gallatin, Daviess County, on Monday, 8 April, the trial began on Tuesday, 9 April, and ended on 11 April when “the grand jury brought in a bill for ‘murder, treason, burglary, arson, larceny, theft, and stealing’” against all five prisoners.

127. Coray: “object”

128. Of this omission, Robert Cooper, a great-grandson of Martha Jane and Howard Coray, notes approvingly that it is a description “so vivid about the terrible atrocities which the Mormons suffered at the hands of the mob that the writer certainly agrees with those who deleted it from the edition for general consumption” (8).

129. HC 3:423: “ruffian”

130. End of Nibley’s omitted material.

131. RLDS: “Boone County”

132. See William Morgan, Biographical Summaries.

133. RLDS: “two hours high in the afternoon …”

134. Brackets in 1853 edition; IE and Nibley include “Illinois” but omit the brackets.

135. RLDS: “Joseph had not committed treason …”

136. Nibley: “aquainted”

137. HC 3:424: “did murder a large number …”

138. Coray: “would not preach”; GAS: “would not preach <worship>”

139. Coray: “commandments”

140. Pratt 1853 note: *“Times and Seasons, vol. iv, p. 246”; the RLDS editions have the same note; it is omitted from IE and Nibley.

141. Nibley note: “October 31, 1838.”

142. Nibley note: “Joseph Smith, Sr., died on September 14, 1840.”

143. This note is on the bottom of the same page as note 1 (Hinkle’s shirt sleeves as the sign that he is the traitor) and note 2 (the reaction of Joseph Sr. and Lucy to the arrest of Joseph).

144. GAS drew a bracket around this paragraph and the one above beginning, “It will be seen …” and wrote in the margin, “This is merely Martin’s braggadocia [sic] made to Mother Smith with the design to lead astray her daughter Lucy.”

145. RLDS: “if we ever would see our sons alive …”

146. In Lucy’s October 1845 conference address, she relates this story but does not say daughter Lucy was present: “A man came in & said Mother Smith if you ever want to see Joseph again you must go now—for he is going, to be shot in Jackson County—He took me by the hand & it <was as> much as we could do to get thru the crowd to the waggon The men lifted up their swords & swore I should not see them I finally got to the waggon & put up my hand—he took hold of my hand & kissed it—I said Joseph let me hear your voice once more—Said he God Bless you my poor Mother—they were taken away they were in bonds & irons” (Lucy Smith, Minutes, Bolton version, pp. 11-12).

147. GAS on Coray: “about four <a> hundred yards …”

148. RDLS: “the cover and the waggon …”

149. Coray: “the midst of our grief …”

150. IE and Nibley: “prophesy”

151. See Alma 11:44: “and even there shall not so much as a hair of their heads be lost …”; Luke 21:18: “But there shall not an hair of your head perish.”

152. Coray makes only one change in the two preceding sentences, omitting the phrase “except by revelation” so that the sentence ends: “declared that he would not leave Far West.” GAS on Pratt rendered the previous two sentences thus: “William continued to expostulate with him, but to no effect, as Mr. Smith declared that he would not leave Far West, except by revelation. William said that he had revelation; that he himself knew that we would have to leave Far West. Mr. Smith <he> finally said …” In the margin GAS wrote: “Not in the original.” GAS on Coray marks out the entire passage from “William continued” to “to leave Far West. Mr. Smith . . .” so that it reads: “and peace again be restored <but> finally said …” IE and Nibley make similar changes: “ … peace again be restored, but finally said that the family might get ready …”

153. Coray: “tavern …”

154. Samp is a coarse hominy; a samp mortar is a grinding implement designed to produce it.

155. Jacob Haun had sought counsel from Joseph Smith the day before, 29 October, explaining that he felt the thirty-five families settled there were strong enough to defend the mill. Joseph Smith advised him to “‘move in, by all means, if you wish to save your lives,’” adding that their lives were more important than their property, “‘but there is no need of your losing either if you will only do as you are commanded.’” Haun returned with the message that “If we thought we could maintain the mill it was Joseph’s council for us to do so if we thought not to come to Farewest.” The next day, an estimated 240-300 men “fired seventeen hundred rounds,” killing eighteen men and boys and wounding twelve (David Lewis, Diary, qtd in Johnson, “Let Far West,” 237).

156. Coray: “consequences of our negligence …”

157. RLDS: “absent with a dispatch”

158. GAS on Coray has edited this passage thus: “Soon after this the brethren were compelled to lay down their arms; and sign away their property. This was done quite near our house. [GAS: new paragraph] so that I could distinctly hear<d> General Clark’s notable speech on this occasion; and, without …” IE and Nibley: “The brethren were compelled to lay down their arms, and sign away their property. This was done quite near our house. I distinctly heard General Clark’s notable speech …”

159. See 1 Corinthians 6:5: “I speak to your shame.”

160. A pointing hand labeled “Mary Smith” appears here. A half sheet with thirteen lines of writing is inserted loose in Lucy’s rough draft. The recto begins with a duplicate drawing of the hand labeled “Mary Smith” and text that begins: “Soon after Hyrum left …”

161. The Coray text is substantially the same except for adding Mary’s sister’s name as “Mrs. Thomson,” which Pratt corrects to “Thompson.” The few lines of text on the verso of the short sheet in Lucy’s rough draft follow, beginning: “After this william repaired …”

162. GAS on Coray: “after Hyrum was taken, Joseph Fielding …” GAS on Pratt does not change the verb and adds “F.” instead of “Fielding.” IE and Nibley both include “Fielding.” Nibley note: “He was born on November 13, 1838.”

163. Coray: “first child. Her confinement was considered rather premature. being probably brought on, by her anxiety with regard to her husband; whom she never saw but once she became a mother, before leaving the state.”

164. This passage is repeated (see next paragraph) on two different pages.

165. GAS on Pratt has placed a question mark beside this short paragraph.

166. Joseph Smith’s official history notes on 14 February 1839: “My brother Don Carlos Smith had carried a petition to the mob, to get assistance to help our father’s family out of Missouri. I know not how much he obtained, but my father and mother started this day for Quincy, with an ox team” (HC 3:261). Joseph Jr. could not have known these facts from first-hand knowledge since he was in prison at this point. Further, according to Lucy, the wagon was pulled by horses, not oxen.

167. Nibley note: “Catherine was married to W. J. Salisbury.”

168. Coray: “Jenkins Saulisbury … Mr. McLerry”; GAS on Pratt: “M’Lerie’s”; RLDS: “McCleary’s”; IE: “McLeries”; Nibley: “McCleary.” Nibley note: “Sophronia was married to William McCleary.”

169. Coray: “considerable baggage for Don Carlos. Don Carlos and his family with the remainder of his baggage, were crowded into a horse buggy …” RLDS note: “A light vehicle, drawn by one horse.”

170. Nibley note: “Joseph Smith, Sr., and family made the journey from Missouri to Illinois sometime in February 1839.”

171. IE and Nibley omit this sentence and the next: “For the want of … which was very tiresome.”

172. Coray: “hills; which was very tiresome both to the patience and the body.” GAS on Pratt (but not on Coray) put a question mark next to this paragraph, beginning “For the want of teams …” and ending “was very tiresome.” RLDS: “… which was very tiresome work.”

173. GAS on Pratt but not on Coray: “at a place called Tinney’s Grove …” He has pencilled “Qy” [Query] in the margin.

174. GAS on Pratt but not on Coray: “Mr. Thomas, who was then a member of the Church.

175. Although Lucy does not mention anyone else traveling with the family party, Perrigrine Sessions, son of David and Patty Sessions, relates an experience that seems to illuminate this laborious trek out of Missouri. Recopying his diary entry for 27 February 1846 in final form later in his life, he describes leaving for Missouri with two companions. This incident prompted him to record an experience that he had not recorded earlier: “one circumstance that I here name in thirty eight [1838] when on my way out of Missouri near Pelmira [Palmyra, MO, about ten miles from Hannibal] in company with Father Joseph Smith the Father of the Prophet Joseph Smith and Carlos Smith in a snow storm caled to farm house to by some corn and stay all night Father Smith asked the man if we could camp there and by some feed he says are you Mormons Father Smith said yes said he Dam you you cant stay here with many other insulting words we all turned from him and when we had got into the street Father Smith took off his hat altho the snow falling and with an uplifted hand said in the name of the lord whome we serve let that man bee cursed in his basket and in his Store and let his name be cut of from under heaven and we all said Amen when I come to travil the roade againe tho years had pased this was brought fresh to my mind for behold there was naught to mark the spot but the ruins of his house burnt to ashes his Orchard broken down his Wife and three children were burned to death in his house and he at this time was in close confinement and incane [insane] here I saw the Power of the Holy Priesthood manifest for at the next house we were received kindley and Father Smith left his blessing upon the house and family here my eyes beheld his words fulfilled to the letter all this Passed and the too men ignorent of the curseing or the blessing placed upon them[.]”

My thanks to Donna Toland Smart for permission to use this quotation from “Wanderings: The Journals of Perrigrine Sessions,” which she edited, typescript, 96-97. Since Joseph Sr. was in Missouri only once in his life and since he and Don Carlos were indisputably together during this exodus of 1838-39, it is probably correct to attribute this occurrence to the Smith family’s last few days in Missouri. A more precise date, however, is probably February 1838. Emma Smith had started out of the state on 7 February 1839, and the Joseph Sr. family, by Lucy’s account, could not have left before then since Emma’s leaving preempted their wagon.

176. GAS on Coray: “Palmira, Mo …” Usually GAS corrects “Palmira” to “Palmyra” but he did not in this case.

177. Coray: “dampness would cause …”

178. New page: “16” in a curlicued circle is hand-written at the left and right top margins.

179. Coray: “would sink to his ankles …”

180. Lucy described this incident again in her October 1845 conference address: “it rained three days as hard as it could rain—but we had to travel & nothing to shelter us—I walked 6 miles in the bottom—my clothes were wet so high up [sic] could scarcely walk & when we got to the Quincy river it snowd [sic] it rained it hailed—We lay <our bed> on the cold snow & a blanket over in & took off our wet stockings & did the best we could—in the morning the cover was frozen stiff—we could not make a fire for the snow” (Lucy Smith, Minutes, Bolton version, p. 12).

181. New page: “17” handwritten at the left and right top margins.

182. On 16 March 1839, Wilford Woodruff records visiting the Smith family in Quincy. Sharing the house were “Father & Mother Smith the patriarch of the Church & also Samuel & Carlos & their families” (1:320).