Working the Divine Miracle
by Richard D. Poll
Stan Larson, editor

Welfare Worker

[p.82]Helping people to cope with economic adversity was Henry D. Moyle’s calling for the last half of his life. As president of the Cottonwood Stake, he met the challenge so effectively that he was asked to help shape the first churchwide response to the Great Depression. Chairmanship of the General Church Welfare Committee led to other high positions, but the enthusiasm for this feature of Mormonism never flagged. Henry once said that all he wanted on his gravestone was the phrase “A Welfare Worker.”

Unemployment and deprivation existed among the Latter-day Saints in Cottonwood Stake in the period of general prosperity before the 1929 stock market crash. The numbers were limited, however, and the needs were usually temporary and capable of being handled at the ward level. Church resources and procedures were different from the pioneer days when tithing and fast offerings were paid in kind and kept in widely dispersed bishops’ storehouses and church projects provided temporary employment for many. The economy in the Mormon West had been secularized and most of the financial resources of the church had been centralized. New approaches to temporal human needs were explored in the 1920s, particularly by the Relief Society General Board, but there was no planning for a major economic disaster.

The disaster that occurred in the early 1930s was more severe and sustained in Utah than in many other states. Mormons without prospects in rural and mining areas drifted into Salt Lake County, compounding the problem there. Henry Moyle was one of the stake presidents confronted [p.83]with appeals from bishops who found themselves quite overwhelmed.1 With joblessness turning as high as 50 percent in some wards and fast offerings as low as $8 per month, something had to be done.

Henry D. Moyle was elected chairman of the committee formed by Presiding Bishop Sylvester Q. Cannon early in 1930 to tackle the jobs problem. Six stake presidents, including Lee and Hugh B. Brown, and the executive committee of the Deseret Employment Bureau, a church agency, constituted the group. Henry’s selection was doubtless a vote of confidence, for he was among the younger stake presidents in age and length of service. The committee proposed job referral procedures for ward implementation and served as a clearing house for information on how the needs of the unemployed might be met.

Since the private economy was not generating many jobs, the church focus inevitably shifted to programs to relieve human need. The problem was in stakes and missions throughout the church, but it was particularly severe and very visible in the Salt Lake Valley. So it is not surprising that the area served by President Moyle’s committee witnessed the greatest early efforts to produce relief supplies and make-work projects. The Presiding Bishop also urged the stake and ward employment committees to help needy members gain such public assistance as might be available. Henry and his associates met with city and county officials on cooperative projects to store and distribute relief supplies; as a city commissioner, Harold Lee was a key figure in many of these activities.

President Lee was also a key figure in the adaptation of early Mormon self-help concepts to the new situation. Ideas and experiments born of desperation and inspiration in his and many other minds were refined, coordinated, and implemented through the six-stake committee. The result, as described in Bruce Blumell’s unpublished2 history of welfare in the LDS church, was that by the end of 1931 several stakes had commodity storehouses through which contributed merchandise was distributed to the poor. Furthermore, the stake leaders concluded:

[p.84]that they would work closely with the Presiding Bishopric in securing food supplies for the various storehouses. Hundreds of men from these stakes went into the countryside to exchange labor for parts of crops to place in the storehouses. These stakes also got coal for those in need, solicited and refurbished clothing for the destitute, purchased cattle, sheep and hogs at low prices, and slaughtered them to help fill their warehouse stocks. They planted, tended, and harvested community gardens. The Relief Societies put up countless bottles of fruit and vegetables. These stakes also worked out with the Presiding Bishop an arrangement to share and distribute tithing in kind. By the summer and fall of 1932 these six city stakes were working together much like the multi-stake welfare regions that came into being with the 1936 Welfare Plan. In essence they were operating a program of welfare virtually identical to the 1936 general church program.

Encouraged by these developments, the First Presidency commended them to stakes and wards throughout the church, stressing that relief should not be provided as a handout except to worthy members who were sick, infirm, or disabled. No over-all program coordination was provided at this time.

In consequence of activities concentrated in Mormonism’s heartland, church welfare expenditures peaked in 1932 at about $700,000. The same year saw $4,000,000 in federal Reconstruction Finance Corporation relief funds come into Utah, to be shared by one out of every four families in the state. As the election of Franklin Roosevelt led to the institutionalization of public relief and work relief activities, church programs lost a little of their momentum and church welfare expenditures declined in 1933,1934, and 1935. New Deal measures alleviated much hardship, but economic recovery was halting and the level of unemployment remained high.

Henry Moyle and his committee continued their endeavors, as noted in an earlier chapter, while a policy discussion rook place within the LDS leadership group. Some, like Apostle Stephen L. Richards, held that the Latter-day Saints, as citizens and taxpayers, should participate freely in governmental programs for which they were eligible. Others, like J. Reuben Clark, Jr., who became a member of the First Presidency in April 1933, took the position that public aid programs are inherently demoralizing and the Mormon people should—and had already shown that they could-find a better solution to the problems of poverty. Two 1935 de-[p.85]velopments gave these deliberations extra urgency. A churchwide survey showed that almost 18 percent of the members were receiving some form of relief, including some who were not really in need. And the federal government announced plans to shift the burden of direct relief—excluding work relief for the employable-back to the states.

Out of the lessons learned in the various stake welfare programs and the prolonged and prayerful consideration of the alternatives available to meet the enduring economic crisis came the Church Security Plan, announced at the general conference in Salt Lake City in April 1936. Its immediate objective was to mobilize resources to meet the needs of the coming winter. Its overall purpose was defined by President Heber J. Grant in the October conference in language that Henry Moyle quoted many times in the years that followed:

Our primary purpose in organizing the Church Security Plan was to set up a system under which the curse of idleness will be done away with, the evils of the dole abolished, and independence, industry, thrift, and self-respect be once more established among our people. The aim of the church is to help the people help themselves. Work is to be re-enthroned as the ruling principle in the lives of our church members.

Titles, organization, and procedures changed as the emergency undertaking developed into a permanent church program, but three men were involved from the start in building what came to be known as the Church Welfare Program. With the approval of President Grant, President Clark guided and infused his perspective into the unfolding operations. Harold Lee brought his Pioneer Stake experience to bear, along with his conviction that “there is no new organization necessary to take care of the needs of this people. All that is necessary is to put the priesthood of God to work.” Henry Moyle applied his management capabilities to extending the regional concept of production from the Salt Lake Valley to the church at large. When the first General Church Security Committee, chaired by Apostle Melvin J. Ballard, gave way to a permanent General Church Welfare Committee in April 1938, it was no surprise that Henry was chairman and Lee was managing director. For the next twenty-two years, the two men dominated the committee. Under the fatherly eye of President Clark, they took the welfare concept and ran with it. With the appointment of Marion G. Romney as assistant managing director in [p.86]1941, the team whose names are synonymous with the first generation of church welfare was in place.

No time was lost in implementing the emergency phase of the program. Committee members accompanied general authorities to stake conferences and special meetings in areas of concentrated Mormon population, mostly in the West. They compared reports, thrashed out problems, and developed plans at weekly meetings.3 At the ward and stake level, Relief Societies produced quilts, clothing, and canned goods. Priesthood quorums leased or borrowed land and obtained farm equipment so that the jobless could work to supply some of their needs. Job training programs were initiated, foreshadowing the building missionary program of a few years later. Each priesthood group was asked to establish at least one make-work project; they ranged from home and church construction to furniture repair and coal mining. Produce moved into storehouses leased, rehabilitated, or constructed in strategic locations. The first edifice on what became Welfare Square in Salt Lake City—a large root cellar—was ready by harvest time in 1936, and Henry Moyle was among the church and community leaders who witnessed the unloading of the first wagons and trucks.

In its first year the Church Security Program generated more than a million dollars worth of commodities and $50,000 in cash for the needy. According to James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard’s informative, brief account in The Story of the Latter-day Saints: “By 1938 approximately twenty-two thousand Latter-day Saints had been taken off federal relief rolls and more than thirty thousand others had received some kind of aid. Private employment had been found for an additional twenty-four hundred.”4

Henry Moyle, needless to say, was not among those needing employment. His General Church Security Committee duties were in addition to his responsibilities as Cottonwood Stake president until his release from the latter post in August 1937. His law practice was at its peak, he was becoming heavily involved with Wasatch Oil Company and Deseret Live Stock Company, and he was campaign manager and adviser for Utah [p.87]governor Henry Blood. The last of Alberta and Henry Moyle’s children, Richard, arrived a month before his father left the stake presidency, and there were times when the five older children—and their mother—went for several days without seeing Henry at all.5

The initial response of the church membership to the welfare concept was almost uniformly supportive, and the initial results generated reams of publicity—some exaggerated but almost all favorable—about how the Mormon church was taking care of its own. As the First Presidency moved to put the Welfare Program on a permanent footing, however, some resistance developed. The committee members found themselves cast in the role of advocates as well as coordinators and managers, and Henry Moyle was an ardent champion.

The decision to place the program administration directly under the First Presidency and Council of the Twelve generated some concern in the Presiding Bishopric and Relief Society presidency, within whose spheres church welfare activities had traditionally been conducted. As committee chairman, Henry Moyle presided over and participated in some frank, even warm, discussions before jurisdictional clarifications and some personnel changes produced a relatively friction-free bureaucratic structure. The close and cooperative relations between Henry and Joseph L. Wirthlin, counselor and then head of the Presiding Bishopric, are noted in another context. Relief Society president Belle S. Spafford and her husband also became good friends of Alberta and Henry Moyle.

The fact that the plan was launched at the time President Grant and the Deseret News took a strong anti-New Deal position made some Mormon Democrats uneasy, and not all Mormon beneficiaries of federal and state aid programs harbored feelings of guilt. Some stake and ward leaders in areas of high unemployment feared that the church might be taking on a bigger job than it could handle; others felt that the food production emphasis of the program made it unsuitable for urban areas. Its applicability to scattered members in the United States and foreign missions was not clear. There were questions about wage scales on welfare projects and about whether aid recipients should be required to work [p.88]on church projects if they were able.

Henry Moyle had no patience with those who “doubt both the wisdom of our present program and the ability of the church to accomplish its great purpose.” In an article prepared for the November 1937 Improvement Era, he likened this doubt to “that lack of faith which causes some people to question the divine inspiration which guides and directs our great leaders.” Reviewing the scope and cost of public aid programs, he defined the issue in terms that reflected his convictions: “Are we to continue as free and independent citizens of this great nation …, or are we to become wards of the government?” The General Church Security Committee could not determine the outcome of the welfare effort. “This rests with the individual. With individual effort expended in placing our magnificent organization in action, under the guidance of its leader, faith in our own destiny, and faith in the Lord, nothing is impossible.”

In the give-and-take of a meeting of Granite Stake welfare leaders a few months later, Henry was a little more pragmatic. “We are not relinquishing our rights as taxpayers and citizens, but when our people prefer not to go on WPA, they should not be compelled to do so.” And he seconded committee member William E. Ryberg’s recommendation that Mormons on Works Progress Administration projects “should be taught to give an honest day’s work for an honest day’s pay.” As for uniform wages on church projects: “The presiding Brethren have asked that the members of the church should do all they can, and if they do this they have the assurance that their needs will be taken care of. …” Is the welfare plan temporary? “In a sense, yes, but we have always taken care of our poor and we always shall.” “The government spending plan can’t last forever. … If they have enough money to carry them past the election, they will be fortunate.” The minutes of the meeting note “laughter” and that Henry Moyle added: “This is quite a concession for a Democrat to make. …”

An observation that Welfare Committee members of all political leanings came ruefully to agree on was that church relief was not impervious to the hazards of a “dole.” Harold Lee wrote to Henry Moyle after visiting a stake in the Northwest: “You will note, also, the usual problem that the persons in need of financial assistance are not the ones who are doing the work on the Welfare Plan.” The establishment of Deseret Industries provided employment for a number of handicapped men and women who were willing to work, but the Depression ended without the committee’s finding a satisfactory remedy for unemployed church members [p.89]whose handicap was a lack of enthusiasm for the manual, sometimes menial, work associated with most welfare projects.

The difficulty in establishing projects among scattered church members gave rise to a memorandum from the General Church Welfare Committee to all mission presidents, 30 July 1940, suggesting that “the most effective” Welfare activity for their jurisdictions is “a program by which every home owner will be urged and assisted in providing sufficient food, clothing, bedding, or fuel in such amounts as would be sufficient for at least one year’s need. …” The concept of the “year’s supply” as individual family insurance became central to the Welfare Program when Depression-based poverty and then wartime shortages receded into history a few years later.

While Henry Moyle helped the nation develop and conserve its petroleum resources during World War II, he also helped shepherd the Welfare Program through a conservation phase. The production, canning, storage, and distribution of food was emphasized, with unemployable elderly and infirm Latter-day Saints as the primary clientele. After reviewing the year’s production from 15,000 acres of welfare farms, sixty-five canneries, and ninety bishop’s storehouses, President Clark drew this conclusion at the October 1943 general conference: “I am sure we have now demonstrated in this Welfare Program, and in the more or less ancillary home canning, in what has heretofore been more or less of an experiment, what we can do, we of the church, if we set our minds and our hearts on carrying out the admonition of our Prophet in becoming self-sustaining.”

The capability to send 140 carloads of food and clothing to Mormons and others in war-ravaged areas overseas in the post-war period confirmed the decision of the First Presidency—Heber J. Grant, J. Reuben Clark, Jr., and David O. McKay to 1945 and George Albert Smith,6 Clark, and McKay from 1945-51—to expand the Welfare Program as a form of insurance. Families and individuals were encouraged and instructed on how to prepare for unexpected contingencies, and the church undertook to develop a reserve for those who might be overwhelmed by adversity. The preference for savings in kind rather than cash is attributable at least in part to the fiscal conservatism of President Clark. As he put it in a 1949 [p.90]address: “The insurance you are getting from the welfare is insurance in food, clothing, shelter, wholly independent of the value of the dollar.”

Henry Moyle, as has been noted earlier, put his own savings into things that might grow in value, and when he succeeded President Clark in the First Presidency, he infused some of this spirit into the financial policies of the church. But he stood four-square with the presidency on the postwar thrust of the Welfare Program. To the October 1947 general conference—the first since his call to the apostleship—he declared:

I am here to tell you today, brethren and sisters, in all humility that there’s never been a moment in my life since President Grant called me to this welfare work that I haven’t felt well in it and felt that I was doing something the Lord desired should be done. And so, governed by the standards that our Prophet has set us here today, it gives me pleasure to bear my testimony to you that there is still great need in the world today and in this church for this great welfare program.

Not surprisingly, his first address as a Mormon spokesman of the Columbia Broadcasting System Church of the Air series developed the philosophy of the Welfare Plan. His text in the 4 April 1948 sermon was the admonition of Jesus: “Feed My Sheep.” Granted the teaching context of John 21:17, did the admonition not also embrace feeding the hungry and clothing the naked? The goal of the Welfare Program was to help people meet their temporal needs without undermining their spiritual well-being. “This great principle does not deny to the needy nor to the poor the assistance they should have. The wholly incapacitated, the aged, the sickly are cared for with all tenderness, but every able-bodied person is enjoined to do his utmost for himself to avoid dependence. …” An overview of the operation of the plan emphasized the role of local congregations and their leaders in helping each individual to “give to the Church that of which he is capable and in return be assured of the assistance he needs.” He called attention, however, to the Latter-day Saint concern for family solidarity and its implications. “We cannot as children ignore our obligations to our parents by passing responsibility for their care to others.” In summation, he told his nationwide radio audience:

We seek to avoid the need for public charity for those whom we love, and to whom we are deeply obligated. We endeavor to refrain from indebtedness and obligations we cannot meet. ‘We aim to meet fully [p.91]every commitment made. Through consecration of our labors, through individual initiative and effort, through mutual consideration and helpfulness, motivated by the spirit of the Christ, we have sought to assist one another. The fruits have been faith, independence, self-reliance, pride in self-accomplishment, family solidarity, love and appreciation one for another.

Always a builder, Henry Moyle seemed to feel a particular challenge to acquire and develop production capabilities for the Welfare Program.7 Earlier he had pioneered the concept of loaning church funds to stakes so they could acquire acreage or facilities for projects. He also participated in organizing the Cooperative Security Corporation as a non-profit, tax-exempt business entity to hold real estate and other welfare properties. He became interested in larger tracts that could be owned and operated on a multi-stake or regional basis—a 3,000-acre dry farm in northern Utah, a 2,800-acre ranch in the Sacramento Valley, and the 500-acre Louis B. Mayer farm in Perris, California, for example.8 By the time of his retirement from the chairmanship of the Welfare Committee, the program was operating agricultural projects on over 90,000 acres of land in the United States and Canada.9

Sensitive to allegations that the Welfare Committee sometimes acted autonomously, Henry Moyle occasionally reminded groups of regional, stake, and ward leaders that in the years of his chairmanship “there had never been a project purchased … without the First Presidency approval.” He recalled that when President George Albert Smith was new in office, he asked if “some $5 and $10 matters” had to come through the presidency. “President Clark spoke up and said, ‘President Smith, I recommend that this matter be taken under advisement,’ and no policy change was made.” There was a little uneasiness about the program’s future when David O. McKay succeeded Smith in 1951 and Clark was shifted from first to second counselor. Both Henry Moyle and Harold Lee were [p.92]consequently delighted when Marion Romney was McKay’s first appointment to the Council of the Twelve. The 1950s turned out to be a period of remarkable growth for the program.

Henry’s legal expertise was helpful in ways as diverse as protecting the church’s interest in mineral rights on welfare lands and arranging settlement of claims growing out of injuries on church projects. He negotiated land purchases and building contracts. Keeping church projects off the rolls of the tax collectors was a task of increasing complexity as more local, state, federal, and foreign jurisdictions were involved and more welfare products were marketed commercially. The annual churchwide welfare budget was based on projected needs and storage capabilities, but economic realities dictated that some welfare assessments be paid in cash, some surpluses be sold, some storehouse inventory be purchased, and some money be held for unbudgeted contingencies. Henry Moyle’s answer to Mormon and non-Mormon businessmen who complained about church competition was put in these terms at a welfare leadership meeting in Ogden in 1958: “God has commanded us to take care of the poor … and that is what we are going to do, even though we are in competition.”

The coal mine at Huntington, Utah, that the church acquired as a make-work project in the Depression years became a particular responsibility of Henry Moyle’s in the post-war era. Once labor and money had been invested to make it a productive property, maintaining a market for its output led to a policy that all church properties within trucking distance of the mine should be heated with coal. Meetings of the Coal Committee regularly followed the Welfare Leadership Meetings at general conference time. As natural gas became available, resistance to the policy developed on both economic and aesthetic grounds. James E. Faust remembers that as a young bishop he was able to convince Henry that an exception should be made for his ward, but generally the policy was maintained. Presidents McKay and Clark, who had visited the mine and come to know some of the people whose livelihoods were involved, resisted the mid-1950s push for gas; Stephen L. Richards, the first counselor in the First Presidency, apparently concurred without conviction.10

Labor union relations were inevitably involved in some welfare opera-[p.93]tions, as they were with church building projects in areas where trade unions were strong. Donated labor was perceived as a threat both to jobs and to wage standards, and Henry Moyle—no labor union enthusiast himself—had from time to time to deal with threats of strikes and picketing. In an article descriptive of the volunteers who were converting the Mayer farm from horse-breeding to diversified agriculture, the Saturday Evening Post quoted Henry as saying: “The unions have been pretty good to us” because they were persuaded that “the Welfare produce really does go to the needy.”11

An episode involving Henry Moyle and the United Mine Workers Union is appropriate here. As related in the oral history of Charles Ursenbach, it is hearsay testimony and long after the fact, but there is confirmatory evidence that Henry told the story to others and that the final outcome was as Ursenbach remembered:

He told us of the time when the Church had a coal mine and they were informed by the union that they couldn’t use any but union people in that coal mine. … So he sent two or three delegations to Chicago to talk to the union of which John L. Lewis was the head. They could never talk to John L. Lewis, but they talked to his henchmen. … They just didn’t get any place working out this problem until Brother Moyle was asked to go down there.

He went and talked to these men and didn’t get any place. … He went to the mission home, a little bit discouraged, and wondered what he was going to do next. He said he was inspired to get the people in the mission home to prepare a big dinner … and then he phoned down to these people and invited them to come to have dinner. … They came out, smoking cigars. At the door he told them they couldn’t smoke in the home there. … All the cigars were thrown on the lawn. They came in, and after the regular salutations and introductions, they invited them to have dinner.

President Moyle said, “This is a family-style dinner in the home and before we have dinner in the evening we always kneel down around the table and have prayer. …” So they all knelt down and they had prayer. They didn’t talk mining at all. … When they sat around the table, a couple of missionaries talked about the gospel. When these men left there after the very pleasant meal and a nice evening, President Moyle [p.94]gave them a Book of Mormon and some other books with his signature in them … and they all seemed to be very grateful. …

A little while later he got a telephone call from them. They wanted to see him again. So they came back to the house, left more cigars on the lawn, came inside and said, “John L. Lewis wants a copy of these books.” Brother Moyle signed some and they took them to John L. Lewis. They never heard another word about union problems at that mine. … Now that’s what Henry D. Moyle told us that time when we were visiting with him.

A certain amount of grass-roots questioning of various aspects of the Welfare Program finally led the First Presidency to commission an in-depth study. The report which appeared in 1956 suggested several changes in policies and operations and was particularly critical of the emphasis on transferring people from public to church relief and the advocacy of individual food storage as a preferable alternative to other forms of saving. A recommendation that the program be repositioned in the church bureaucracy was supported, in a startlingly candid supplement to the main report, by the assertion that “there is too much of a feeling among the general authorities that only President Clark and Elders Moyle, Lee, and Romney are the Welfare Program leaders. Any program so important and so far reaching … should be more actively supported by all of the general authorities. …”

That Henry Moyle and his named associates were upset is understandable. That others among the general authorities, including President McKay, rallied to the program is clear from the shelving of the report without any immediate action. While Henry Moyle was in the First Presidency, however, the General Church Welfare Committee was placed under the Presiding Bishopric and a period of consolidation and program review followed his death. What emerged in the 1970s was a revitalized program, augmented in the direction of rehabilitative and other social services but not radically changed from what elders Clark, Moyle, Lee, Romney, and the other welfare pioneers had worked very hard to build. The Welfare Program was twenty-seven years old when President Henry D. Moyle gave his last address to a general priesthood meeting at an annual conference of the church.12 Time did not permit him to pre-[p.95]sent all the data he had marshaled for this 6 April 1963 presentation, but the manuscript reflects his enthusiasm for quantifiable evidences of growth. The assets of the program now had a book value of almost $43 million. In the preceding year over 100,000 people had been assisted, most of them with commodities produced by forty-two welfare regions and twenty-four stakes outside of regions, processed in about twenty-five canneries and stored in Deseret grain elevators and some 130 bishop’s storehouses. Nine Deseret Industries facilities employed almost a thousand people, two-thirds of them handicapped. Most of the growth, he emphasized, had occurred in the twelve years that President McKay had led the church.

If the root cellar was the first structure on Welfare Square with which Henry Moyle was associated, a modern $375,000 cannery was the last. Glen L. Rudd, who worked at the square and traveled with the general authorities to many stake conferences with the welfare message, remembers the great interest that Elder Moyle took in the cannery. On one occasion, when Rudd called to tell him that they were about to pour the concrete floor, he came down in his business suit and his good shoes and rummaged around among the working men until his shoes were just covered with cement. He remarked, “I can buy new shoes and new clothes, but I can’t always be in the midst of a project like this.”

President Moyle was invited to dedicate the cannery on 15 May 1963. It was a time for reminiscing-about a storehouse built with salvaged materials by “experts raised up by the Lord … experts who were in need of work”; about a coal mine down in Emery County that began with a horse, a cart, and five or six pick-and-shovel miners and could now produce a hundred tons in one shift; about President Clark, whose lot it was “to lead out on behalf of the First Presidency over a period of years”; about the excitement of those early days when “we really didn’t know where we were going but we knew we were on the right track”; about President McKay’s parable, told at one of the early Welfare Committee meetings, of the “locomotive engineer who takes his train out of the station and can only see as far ahead as the lights of the engine reveal,” but who moves forward confident that the light will enable him to reach the right destination.

The dedicatory prayer permitted Henry Moyle to reaffirm his commitment to the Welfare Program: “Father, accept the handiwork that has gone into this building, the contribution, the devotion, the dedication, [96] the effort, the pains, and above all the love and affection, for, Father, we do seek to keep Thy two great commandments; for we love Thee, and we seek to love our fellow men. …”


1. Pioneer Stake president Harold B. Lee was another; at one time three of his bishops and four high councilmen were unemployed.

2. This study was finally published as Garth Mangum and Bruce Blumell, The Mormons’ War on Poverty: A History of LDS Welfare, 1830-1990 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1993).—Ed.

3. The meetings were for many years at 7 a.m., and one of the Moyle children remembers enry’s boasting that he was never late.

4. James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints, 2d ed., rev., enl. and updated (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1992), 525.

5. The years from 1937 to 1942 are the only interval of Henry Moyle’s adult life for which neither diaries nor appointment books are to be found among his papers. Only a multifarious correspondence and the testimony of witnesses document the range and intensity of his activities.

6. In Poll’s typescript, both here and later in this chapter, he incorrectly said “George Albert Smith, Jr.,” which has been revised to “George Albert Smith.”—Ed.

7. He told a missionary conference in California in 1962: “I am one of those who is always land-hungry as far as the Church is concerned. … We may not need it today, but we will need more than we are able to acquire today tomorrow.”

8. Henry noted that when the Mayer property was dedicated as a project for twelve stakes in southern California, “President Clark dedicated the people to the welfare plan rather than the ranch.”

9. This figure does not include the livestock operations in Florida and Georgia that were, in a sense, spin-offs from the Welfare Plan.

10. Henry Moyle had followed Richards into the presidency and thence into the grave when the mine was finally sold and the policy abandoned.

11. “The Saints Roll Up Their Sleeves,” Saturday Evening Post 231 (11 Oct. 1958): 89.

12. In Poll’s typescript he incorrectly said “at a semi-annual conference of the church,” which has been revised to “at an annual conference of the church.”—Ed.