San Bernardino
by Edward Leo Lyman

Chapter One: Converging Paths

[p.1]Amasa Mason Lyman and Charles Coulson Rich, co-founders of Mormon San Bernardino, were early converts to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, one of nineteenth-century America’s “primitive gospel” movements. Led by charismatic New Yorker Joseph Smith, Lyman, Rich, and other men and women found faith in this simple, mystical religion.1

Conversion required most adherents to withdraw from non-Mormon society. After encountering opposition in 1831 Smith and his followers relocated from New York to Kirtland, Ohio, not far from the Erie Canal, where an independent Baptist congregation led by Sidney Rigdon had embraced the new movement. Though the location of the Saints’ New Jerusalem or Zion would change from time to time, the intent was to insulate believers from the world. Rejection from outsiders and common struggles on the frontier would soon bind them together.

Amasa Lyman was born in Grafton County, New Hamp-[p.2]shire, on 30 March 1813, to parents whose families had been in New England since early colonial times. He was six when his father moved west to seek land and apparently succumbed to illness. Rejected by his stepfather, Amasa was raised by his maternal grandfather, Perez Mason, a veteran of the American Revolutionary War and a broad-minded Universalist whose temperament “Amasy” inherited.2 Old age compelled Lyman’s grandfather to spend his last years with his oldest son, after which Amasy was left in his uncle’s care.

Parley Mason was a state legislator and Congregationalist deacon. His unbending views and impatience with his nephew made the next seven years difficult. Amasa “remained thoughtful on the subject of religion” but could not commit. Then, when two young Mormons, Lyman E. Johnson and Orson Pratt, came into the neighborhood, Parley prohibited their presence, but Amasa secretly met with them in the nearby woods and was eventually baptized on 27 April 1832. Parley was outraged and probably embarrassed. Amasa concluded to join the main body of Mormons in Ohio. It took the inexperienced young traveler a difficult month to reach his destination, where he was received into the home of Johnson’s parents. Two months later he met Joseph Smith to whom he would be bound for the rest of the latter’s life.3

Charles C. Rich was born on 21 August 1809 in Kentucky to parents who had emigrated there by flatboat from Maryland’s Cumberland Gap. When Charles was still in his early years, his family moved to southern Indiana, as did Abraham Lincoln’s family and many others. Amid apprehension of Indian unrest [p.3]Joseph Rich found employment building blockhouse fortifications while also farming and serving for a time as constable. Failing to prosper, the family migrated farther west to settle near Peoria, Illinois, in 1829.

Some of the Riches’ neighbors were preoccupied with religion, including Morris Phelps who received a letter from Ohio relatives telling him of Mormonism. When two young ministers appeared to baptize Phelps, Rich, naturally curious, also listened and was ultimately baptized in April 1832, the same month as Amasa Lyman. Rich’s parents and a sister joined with him, as did the Stout and Wixom families who later helped build San Bernardino. Like Amasa following his conversion, Charles headed immediately for Kirtland.4Other Kirtland residents who would become San Bernardino colonists included Justus Morse, Theodore Turley, Samuel Rolfe, Frederick M. Van Leuven, Bushrod W. Wilson, and Jonathan Crosby. These families sacrificed with the rest in building new homes and a temple.

When Lyman and Rich arrived, Kirtland was the nerve center of the new church, the place where radical ideas were tested and their reverberations first felt. For instance, just two months earlier Joseph Smith had been dragged from his bed and tarred and feathered by the brothers of a young woman whom the prophet had befriended and would later marry polygamously.5Smith subsequently went to Independence, Missouri, to prepare a new central gathering place but returned to Kirtland in May, while Lyman and Rich left briefly for preaching missions to New York.

In June 1833 Smith proposed a plan for the layout of [p.4]Independence which would thereafter serve as a model for new Mormon settlements. The plan featured a city plat of Zion one-mile square, divided into blocks of ten and fifteen acres each. The streets were wide, intersecting at right angles, and center blocks were reserved for public buildings. But plans for Independence failed. Among other problems neighbors were afraid that their lands might be endangered by fanatics building a new Zion, of the New Englanders’ views on slavery, of the Mormon tendency to vote en bloc, and of their social and economic isolation. Finally, people who generally hated Native Americans could hardly tolerate those who believed them to be Children of Israel. One of the main conflicts centered on the Mormon brand of communitarianism, known as the “Law of Consecration.” In this system the Saints were required to give their property to the local bishop for redistribution, and each year their profits were placed in the bishop’s storehouse for common use. Although people owned a “stewardship” granted them by the bishop, the basically communal arrangement did not set well with free-enterprising neighbors.6

While the tragic Missouri period of LDS history is two decades removed from the Mormon sojourn at San Bernardino, this earlier era is important in understanding the ultimate demise of the church colony in California. The first non-Mormon provocation occurred when Bishop Edward Partridge, Amasa Lyman’s future father-in-law, was captured and tarred and feathered. This began an unfortunate chain of events which included in the spring of 1834 a militia of over 200 Mormons mustered in Kirtland marching to Independence, a small army, designated as “Zion’s Camp,” among whom were Lyman and Rich. When cholera broke out in the camp and several men died, the camp was [p.5]disbanded and the town of Independence left unprotected. Some men drifted back to Ohio, others found their way to Missouri locations north of Independence, while the disappointed Rich traveled to his father’s Illinois home.7

During the Zion’s Camp march Lyman was closely associated with Joseph Smith and wrote of the “rich instruction [he] received” from him.8Lyman too fell victim to fever and head pain—probably malaria—something he would suffer from in the summers for the rest of his life. In this case he was debilitated for three months.

Upon his return to Kirtland Lyman was happy to find that the John Tanner family had relocated there from New York where he had met them. He felt a special attraction for the daughter, Maria Louisa, and penned a poetic proposal to her, then married her in June 1835. Although the honeymoon was cut short by a call to serve another mission, Lyman returned that winter and while living with his new in-laws attended Kirtland’s adult education classes. The next summer found him doing missionary work again in New York state. On his return he discovered the Ohio Latter-day Saints to be split through religious and economic dissent. During this difficulty, when many left the church, he and brother-in-law Nathan Tanner engaged a teamster to move their families to the still-designated Zion in northwest Missouri.9

Lyman found lodging for his wife and infant daughter with a former Ohio friend and future San Bernardino associate, Justus Morse, while he spent the winter working at Fort Leavenworth some fifty miles west in Kansas. In the spring he secured employment closer to home and probably joined [p.6]those organized to counteract Mormon enemies. A secret society called Danites threatened dissenters and soon began retaliating against anyone suspected of crimes against their people. As historian Marvin Hill has noted, Danites considered themselves above civil law. Lyman’s host Morse later admitted being part of these vigilante activities and as an old man signed an affidavit attesting that Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon presided at many meetings. Whatever the focus of responsibility, Danites heightened hostilities.10

Charles Rich divided his time between Kirtland and his father’s Illinois home, where he was instrumental in making several converts. During this period he heard from other missionaries of a young woman, Sarah Pea, whose family lived in the south end of the state. Without ever meeting her, Charles commenced correspondence. When both felt constrained to gather to upper Missouri, they finally met in the fall of 1837 and married four months later.11

By the summer of 1838 there were some 15,000 Latter-day Saints in Missouri. Future prominent San Bernardino settler Jefferson Hunt was an Independence Day marshal in 1838 at Far West, the day Sidney Rigdon “declared independence” from non-Mormon suppression. Rigdon proclaimed that believers would no longer stand by and be “trampled on with impunity,” warning that anyone who threatened them “shall atone for it [p.7]before he leaves the place.”12The audience heartily approved, but when the threats reached outside citizens, it was a catalyst for more violence.

After several incidents non-Mormons besieged the town of Dewitt. In Far West, the largest Mormon-controlled city, citizens selected Lyman to go there to ascertain conditions. Disguised as vagabonds, Lyman and a companion managed to conceal their identity for several days before being captured. They spent the next four days enduring threats of torture and execution, after which they were allowed to flee by foot through the snow. Meanwhile, the town was forced to capitulate. On the brink of starvation, Mormons agreed to evacuate the county.13

Sporadic paramilitary engagements escalated as Captain Samuel Bogart, a Methodist minister in command of a company of Caldwell County militia, forced two Mormon families to leave their homes and took three other church members prisoner. When news of this reached Far West, David W. Patten resolved to take a detachment of Mormon militia, with Charles Rich second in command, to rescue them. A clash between the two units occurred on 25 October 1838 near Bogart’s camp at a ford on the Crooked River. When one of the sentries fired, Mormons returned the salvo and Rich mortally wounded one Missourian. In the ensuing hand-to-hand fighting six other Missourians were wounded, some by swords, and three Mormons, including Patten, were killed, forcing Rich to call a retreat. One of the fatalities was Gideon Carter, whose son Philo Isaac later emigrated to San Bernardino and married Lyman’s oldest daughter.14

Rich and his closest friend and fellow participant in the [p.8]battle, Hosea Stout, fled the state to avoid prosecution, leaving Rich’s wife behind. Non-Mormons assumed she was recently widowed. As hostilities continued, the violence culminated in the Haun’s Mill Massacre in which seventeen Mormons, including several old men and young boys, were murdered. This was the result of Missouri governor Lilburn Boggs’s order that “Mormons must be treated as enemies and must be exterminated or driven from the state.”15

During this time Joseph Smith agreed to negotiate with the enemy, but he and several colleagues were betrayed by a Mormon militiaman, Colonel George M. Hinkle, and taken into custody, joined by Amasa Lyman and Hyrum Smith, all of whom were paraded before Missourians prior to their planned execution. Their deaths were averted only because militia general Alexander Doniphan refused to carry out the order to execute them. The seven prisoners were transported to Richmond, Missouri, where they lay chained in irons.

After a month of imprisonment Lyman and some others were released. While still adjusting to freedom, Lyman was approached by Hinkle, who proposed that they assume leadership of a faction of church members. When Lyman spurned the proposal, Hinkle may have initiated orders for Lyman’s arrest once again. In any case, upon learning that he was the subject of a widespread manhunt, Lyman sought shelter at an unfamiliar house where, until Theodore Turley returned, Turley’s teenage daughter hid him. Lyman would later marry the girl as a plural wife and invite Theodore and his family to accompany him to settle at San Bernardino.16

In the absence of the still-imprisoned Smiths, Apostle [p.9]Brigham Young assumed leadership in supervising evacuation from the state. Unprepared to move farther west, the Mormons found refuge among the citizens of western Illinois around the town of Quincy. Shortly thereafter a tract of land near the village of Commerce was opened to them fifty miles north, where Theodore Turley would build the first house in what would become Nauvoo, within a few years the largest city in the state.

Lyman secured his wife’s safety at Quincy and then made several futile efforts to rescue the Smiths from prison, falling ill again for part of the ensuing summer. In the fall of 1839 the Lymans again depended on the Justus Morse family for shelter until spring. It was here that their first son, Francis Marion, was born in January 1840, after which Amasa built a log home in the “half-breed tract” on the Iowa side of the Mississippi River opposite Nauvoo. For a time thereafter he gathered driftwood for sale as firewood. As summer approached, he again fell ill, then recovered to serve a series of small missions, primarily to raise money for the projected Nauvoo temple. In the winter of 1842-43 Smith assigned him to move to Shokokon, Henderson County, north of Nauvoo to survey and superintend the laying out of a new city, an experience that would serve him when called to do the same in Utah and California. In this and in preaching from Wisconsin to Tennessee, he began to emerge as a leader of some stature. In 1841 his eloquence is said to have helped acquit Smith from further imprisonment.

Lyman and the prophet remained close. Smith once stated that the prison chains were “an emblem of the everlasting friendship between them.”17 In August 1842 Smith called Lyman to join the Council of Twelve Apostles to fill a vacancy caused by disaffection, but when the erring apostle [p.10]mended his ways and was reinstated, there was no place for Lyman in the quorum.

Smith thereupon called him to be one of his counselors in the First Presidency, effectively replacing Sidney Rigdon who was no longer functioning in that capacity and was not even living in the area. The prophet assumed that the Latter-day Saints would sustain him in his desire for a change in counselors, but not fully understanding his wishes, the subsequent church conference voted to give Rigdon more time to fulfill his responsibilities. Nevertheless, Smith wanted Lyman and appointed him a counselor to the First Presidency until a vacancy opened officially. This appeared to be just a matter of time because Smith’s other counselor, William Law, was also in the process of severing his ties with the church. Lyman, along with Hyrum Smith, was virtually the closest confidante and sole counselor for the last year of Joseph Smith’s life. Unfortunately, Smith died before making Lyman’s standing in the First Presidency official.18

Smith began introducing secret doctrines and ordinances to his closest associates in Nauvoo, one of which, Smith explained to Lyman, was plural marriage, a concept that ran contrary to Lyman’s monogamist scruples. Smith insisted that it was divine and “that if Amasa rejected it, he would be damned.”19 Lyman shared this with his wife, Maria Louisa, and with her endorsement selected Caroline E. Partridge as his first plural companion. Caroline’s sister Eliza Maria had been secretly married to Smith in 1843 and would choose, after the prophet’s death, to cast her fortunes with Lyman. Later in Utah, a third sister, Lydia, would be sealed to Lyman. Cornelia Leavitt became Lyman’s wife in 1844, and the next [p.11]year, with the consent of the other wives, Dionetia Walker and Paulina Phelps.20

During the Nauvoo years Lyman on occasion worked in the gunsmith shop of Theodore Turley, an Englishman and former Methodist minister whose daughter had saved Lyman from a posse. Turley took three daughters of Robert Clift, Sr.—Sarah Ellen, Eliza, and Mary—as wives. Convinced that such relationships were essential, Turley also encouraged his daughters to enter into the practice, one marrying Brigham Young, at least temporarily. Impressed with the faithfulness and potential of Amasa, Turley encouraged him to wed one of his daughters. Lyman chose sixteen-year-old Priscilla who had earlier secreted him from a Missouri mob. After the marriage she continued to live with her parents for several years until they arrived in Utah in 1848. She would be fully involved with Lyman there and in San Bernardino, where her father would also settle.21

The Charles Rich family, fortunate to escape Missouri with their lives, was penniless after abandoning a $3,500 estate in Far West. In 1839 Charles started over by building a cabin on a wooded Nauvoo acre. Having proved his dedication and energy, Rich now emerged as one of the new city’s leaders, becoming a member of the first high council and later the stake presidency. In the temporary absence of civil authority, these groups functioned as judicial bodies, as well. When a city charter was granted by the Illinois legislature, Rich was elected to the city council. He was a captain in the Nauvoo Legion, later a colonel, and finally brigadier general over 1,500 troops, a position key to Rich’s rising status.

Although listed as a cooper on some applications, it is doubtful if Rich worked extensively at that trade. He was on the [p.12]city university board of regents and served as the neighborhood school warden; functioned under his longtime friend, police chief Hosea Stout, as a police lieutenant; and was the city fire marshall. Tax rolls indicate that the family prospered. Rich was also initiated into Smith’s secret political government, the Council of Fifty.

One of the Fifty’s first efforts was to publicize the Saints’ plight while campaigning for Smith as a candidate for president of the United States. Church elders were sent to every state to explain the prophet’s views and organize support for his candidacy, including a dozen men who would later establish the outpost of San Bernardino. These included: Harley Mowery, sent to New Hampshire; Quartus Sparks, to Connecticut; Charles W. Wandell and Ellis Eames, to New York; Justus Morse, to Delaware; Jacob I. Casteel, to Tennessee; David Jones and Bushrod W. Wilson, to Ohio; Charles Rich, to Michigan; Amasa Lyman and William Gribble, to Indiana; and Jefferson Hunt, to Illinois. Some had not yet reached their destinations when they received word of Smith’s assassination in June 1844.22

During the following months constant threats erupted from vigilantes and government authorities. With the cancellation of the Nauvoo charter, any protection afforded by the city militia was extralegal. At this time Rich, with the possible assistance of Hosea Stout, originated the Nauvoo “whittling and whistling society,” a group of young men armed with large sheath knives to patrol the streets. When they encountered outsiders, they commenced whistling and whittling on sticks. According to one participant, “They would surround the obnoxious element, be [it] large or small, many or few, and whistle and whittle in his [p.13]direction and stick by him until he was out of town.” This tactic would be repeated in San Bernardino.23

While Rich worked with others to complete the Nauvoo temple, he entered plural marriage. After careful deliberation and the consent of his first wife, he married Eliza Graves, then, three days later, Mary Ann Phelps, a sister of one of Lyman’s wives whose father had played a role in introducing Rich to Mormonism. Another wife, Sarah Jane Peck, was a longtime acquaintance as the sister of a cousin’s wife. Emaline Grover was working for Rich’s first wife when he proposed to her. The same would be the case with Harriet Sargent, whom Sarah had taken in when she was just eleven years old. When several men approached Rich for her hand, she confessed that she would rather marry him.24

Sharing a husband could not have been easy. Eliza Maria Partridge Lyman confided in her diary the difficulty not only of keeping the relationship secret, but also that “nothing but a firm desire to keep the commandments of the Lord could have induced a girl to marry in that way. I thought my trial was very severe in that line and I am often led to wonder how it was that a person of my temperament could get along with it and not rebel.” She went on to affirm that it was “the Lord who kept me from opposing His plan, although in my heart I felt that I could not submit to them. But I did submit and I am thankful to my Heavenly Father for the care He had over me in those troublous times.” These ambivalent feelings were undoubtedly shared by others.25

[p.14]One of the most serious aspects of the crisis following Smith’s death was the question of succession, which came to a head in July 1844 when Sidney Rigdon stepped forward as first counselor in the First Presidency. Brigham Young argued that as president of the Twelve he and the other apostles held all the requisite authority. The only other contender invited to state his case at the time was Amasa Lyman who did not hesitate to support the Twelve.26

Over the next year and a half Mormons attempted to co-exist with their neighbors without success, until finally, under Young’s leadership, they concluded to relocate in the unsettled West. As many had before, they abandoned their homes, this time in the dead of winter, February 1846, when the threat of violence compelled them to cross the ice-filled Mississippi River to the muddy Iowa side. Lyman and his recently expanded family received assistance from his Tanner brothers-in-law, Nathan, Myron, Sidney, and Albert. The wives assisted each other as well, and a core of other men, bound to Amasa from this time on, helped them. The “camps of Israel,” as they were called, were organized in groups of at least 400 wagons to travel across Iowa. Among Lyman’s faithful friends were J. Henry Rollins, Daniel P. Clark, Starling Driggs, David Frederick, Samuel Shepherd, and Weedon V. Hakes, who would all later follow him to California. Lyman relied on these men and others to look after his wives at Winter Quarters, Nebraska, while he left with the vanguard company, comprised almost entirely of men, to the Great Salt Lake Valley in the summer of 1847. During that year two of Lyman’s wives lost babies, and Sidney Tanner lost a wife and a child.27

In Lyman’s pioneer company were wagons furnished by future San Bernardino pioneers Albert W. Collins, Joseph Mat-[p.15]thews, and Daniel Thomas. Two teamsters, Gilbert Summe and Charles Burke, were later California colonists, as was one of Brigham Young’s personal teamsters, Horace M. Frink. Norman Taylor, a later Southland settler, drove his own wagon. The group had studied John C. Fremont’s reports and, contrary to claims, knew exactly where they intended to go. Upon reaching Wyoming, Lyman was sent south into Colorado to lead the so-called Mississippi Saints to the final destination, reaching Salt Lake Valley just days after the original companies. Church leaders directed Henry G. Sherwood, who would later do the same at San Bernardino, to survey and lay out a town site, and they constructed a stockade of adobe near the city center. Thereafter, Lyman and several others retraced their route back to Winter Quarters.28

Meanwhile, Rich’s wife Eliza and their newborn baby stayed in Nauvoo rather than risk the trail. In the midst of the Iowa plains several way stations were established, the most important of which was Mount Pisgah, where crops were planted for others coming later to harvest. Rich was appointed to the presidency of this temporary community, shouldering much of the responsibility alone. While assisting those underway, others helped Rich’s wives, including James M. Flake, a southerner none of the family then knew. While butchering a calf, he generously offered Sarah D. Rich a quarter, for which the family reciprocated when Flake’s widow moved with them to San Bernardino. When the time finally arrived to go on to the final destination, three of Rich’s wives, Mary Ann, Harriet, and Emaline, volunteered to drive ox teams to save the expense of drivers.29

Although the first and subsequent companies who crossed [p.16]the Platte River are the best-known, there were three other paths to the Great Basin. They were the ocean route, followed by the ship Brooklyn to San Francisco; a route through Colorado followed by the southern Saints; and, for young men who volunteered in the war with Mexico, a trek through New Mexico.

In the fall of 1845 young Mormon newspaper editor Samuel Brannan evacuated eastern Mormons by sea, loading the cargo holds of the Brooklyn with equipment and supplies and selling passage to a total of seventy men, sixty-eight women, and one hundred children. After a difficult voyage the ship arrived the last day of July 1846, more than doubling the population of San Francisco, which at that time was still known as Yerba Buena.

With Mormon labor Brannan soon built the finest house in town and began enterprises that would make him the area’s first millionaire and in the process alienate his followers and his ecclesiastical superiors, especially Young. Some of the immigrants established an agricultural settlement called New Hope at the confluence of the Stanislaus and San Joaquin rivers in what would prove to be some of the most productive farmland in the world. But here too were misunderstandings, including some involving future San Bernardino school master William Stout. A number of Brooklyn Saints would find their way to Utah after Young rejected Brannan’s suggestion that the church locate in California. Some would abandon the church. Others would await more effective leadership. At least a dozen of these families eventually located within the San Bernardino colony.30

[p.17]Those who made their way west with the Mormon Battalion left their own legacy of adventure. Through lobbying efforts with the U.S. presidency of James K. Polk, the federal government agreed to enlist some 500 Mormons to assist in the war with Mexico. These men were paid partly in advance, the proceeds of which were used to purchase teams, wagons, and equipment for their families and others heading for the Great Basin. Jefferson Hunt was the senior Mormon officer. This might have been an uneventful journey had not the original commander, Lieutenant Colonel James Allen, become ill and died, or had Hunt been more ambitious and bid for leadership in his absence. As it was, Lieutenant A. J. Smith of the regular army, closely assisted by Dr. George B. Sanderson, thereafter seemingly made life as miserable as possible for the battalion soldiers. On what has been called the longest infantry march in American history, those who became ill were given large doses of calomel and arsenic-laced medicine. By the time the group reached Santa Fe, New Mexico, some sixty were unfit for further service. These men and the women and children who accompanied them were sent north to Pueblo, Colorado, where a contingent of Mormon pioneers was known to be preparing for winter camp.31

For the remainder of the journey the battalion was led by the more sympathetic Lieutenant Philip St. George Cooke. Although crossing the desert with wagons was not easy, the soldiers made a good account of themselves, reaching California after the [p.18]war was essentially over but doing garrison duty at San Diego, San Luis Rey, and constructing Fort Moore at Los Angeles. In April 1847 Company C was dispatched inland to erect a makeshift fort at the mouth of Cajon Pass to guard against Native Americans, becoming the first Mormons to come into contact with neighboring San Bernardino Rancho. During furloughs Hunt and others worked for Isaac Williams at the Chino Rancho some twenty miles to the southeast. When mustered out of service, some men played an important role in blazing a trail back to Utah by the southern route, others participated in the original discovery of gold in association with James Marshall at Sutter’s Mill in northern California.32

The other group of Mormon pioneers, the so-called Mississippi Saints, was already heading west a year before Young and the main body of immigrants. In the early 1840s a young Illinois schoolteacher born in Tennessee, John Brown, along with companion missionaries found a productive field of converts in Monroe County, Mississippi, settled primarily by young couples from throughout the South whose siblings had intermarried. Those who converted spread word through family circles, and in a short time a congregation of about 200 was organized as the Tombigbee Branch. Among these were the Matthews, Crosby, and Holladay families, who with their in-laws would comprise a considerable proportion of those who would found San Bernardino.

After Joseph Smith’s death Brown and William Matthews were supposed to meet Young somewhere west of Missouri. Among the complications was the fact that these families owned slaves, and though many were manumitted, several wished to [p.19]remain with their current or former masters. Thus the Mormon hegira was not only multi-national but multi-racial.

Fourteen southern families embarked for the West in early April 1846, reaching Independence, Missouri, by late May. En route they were joined by two Illinois families, the Crows and the Kartchners, which brought the number of wagons to twenty-five, including several non-Mormons heading for Oregon. When they reached the Platte River, they expected to find the others from Nauvoo waiting for them, but they were not there. Assuming they had passed on, the company continued west, only to learn from a group returning from California that no such company would be found. Soon they encountered a seasoned French trapper named John Richard, who advised them to accompany him to the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where there was a better chance of obtaining the provisions necessary until they received further direction. With the effective guidance of Richard through northern Colorado, they reached what would thereafter become Pueblo. At the time six to eight “mountain men” occupied the area. From them the Mormons learned that Young’s large group of Saints was encamped on the Missouri River at Council Bluffs and that 500 coreligionists had been recruited into the U.S. army.33

The Mississippi Saints decided to prepare for the coming winter, built a row of cabins in the form of a fort, planted vegetables, and founded Colorado’s first actual settlement. This [p.20]was the first of more than 250 colonies Mormons would establish in the West.

Relations with the mountain men were generally cordial, and Mormons exchanged labor for corn and other necessities. They also constructed a log assembly house for church and social gatherings which the “mountaineers” sometimes attended, attracted by “many really beautiful [Mississippi] girls who sported their tall graceful figures at the frequent fandagoes.” On occasion the men were “taken aback” when compelled to sit through a preaching session preceding a feast. There were other reminders of how wide the gulf was between the two groups. One girl later recounted hearing a quarrel arise from a card game in an adjoining cabin. Not only was the participant in the game shot, but his assailant tracked down and killed.34

Three of the mountain men eventually joined the Mormon church. They were John Brown, born in Massachusetts, James Waters from Kentucky, and Valentine Johnson “Rube” Herring from Illinois. Herring was particularly noteworthy. As rough as any, he apparently took the Mormon preaching to heart, although some have questioned his sincerity with good reason. A part of his motivation was the offer to employ him in the spring to guide the Mormons on to the Great Salt Lake Valley. Rube soon discarded his accustomed buckskins and adopted a cast-off cloth coat, much too small to fit, and a felt slouch hat which did little to cover his long black hair. Thus attired he took considerable ribbing from his associates. He claimed not only to like Mormons but said they had the “biggest” prophets. In the spring, when informed that his services as guide would not be needed, he threw his Book of Mormon in the river saying, “Cuss your [p.21]darned Mummum and Thummum,” berating the Mormons for their lack of practical knowledge, and proclaiming that they could “go to hell for [all he cared].”35

Soon after the Mississippi Saints settled in, the sick detachment of the Mormon Battalion and many accompanying women and children joined the settlement and built another row of log cabins. These soldiers suffered from nutritional deficiencies which both milk from the pioneers’ cows and corn meal mush soon started to cure. The exchanges of army rations of “pickled pork” and other provisions added welcome variety to the other Saints’ diets.

The natural social interaction among these settlers established long-standing ties of friendship, including courtships. Jefferson Hunt’s wife Celia and several children spent the winter at Pueblo, and their son Gilbert met and married Lydia Gibson, one of the daughters of a Mississippi family. Another Mississippi belle, Karen Happuch Holladay, met her soldier, Thomas Bingham, although their courtship extended into the Salt Lake Valley. Bingham and his bride would accompany the Holladays, Hunts, and others to San Bernardino in 1851. Harley Mowry married the widow of one of his soldier-companions, Norman Sharp, who accidently shot himself. This couple would participate in the southern California community and remain together for another four decades. In the spring the combined group, numbering 275, led by Lyman, retraced the latter’s tracks to Fort Laramie and the main trail, arriving a couple of days after Young’s vanguard company passed by.36

After spending the first winter inside the fort at Salt Lake City, church leaders distributed lands outside the fort by lot. [p.22]Farm work was to be performed, as the pioneers had traveled, in groups of ten, fifty, and one hundred. Several of the tens drew lands situated high on the bench southeast of the city, and, upon examination, one of their captains, John Holladay, Sr., received permission to locate three miles farther south at a large spring between the two Cottonwood creeks. This settlement, the first in Utah outside of Salt Lake City, was variously known as “Amasa’s survey,” Mississippi Ward, Cottonwood, and finally Holladay after its first bishop. They laid out one square mile into ten-acre lots, Lyman supervising.

The spring and summer would be occupied in clearing, planting, and harvesting the fields. Some of the wheat planted had been brought in saddle bags from Taos by way of Pueblo by a member of the Holladay family and yielded 110 bushels to the acre. Other settlers would use this as seed grain in subsequent years. During this time most people continued to live in their covered wagons and tents, but in the fall and winter logs were brought from the nearby canyons and a row of small houses was erected. Other projects included fencing and constructing irrigation ditches from the large creeks, apparently done through individual allotments of labor to each neighborhood.37

Thus the settlement of the Intermountain West by members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was under way. Despite a diversity of backgrounds, a unity of common beliefs strengthened through mutual effort developed among the faithful that nothing thereafter could destroy. Although many would not withstand the refiner’s fire of persecution, those who did forged a group solidarity that would remain sacred. The suffering served only to enhance their self-perception as a peculiar people. In fact, they were no longer simply church members but a separate people. The act of withdrawing from “gentile” society [p.23]and regarding themselves as God’s chosen people was also conducive to this awareness. Mormons embraced as a model the biblical Hebrews, believing they were reenacting important aspects of the Exodus. The concept of a promised land came to encompass a vast empire which, if not officially granted by the government, was nevertheless settled as a Mormon-dominated homeland.

Amasa Lyman had barely started settling his families in Utah before he was called to California to appraise the Gold Rush situation there. He left three wives still living in close quarters at the fort “without anything to make bread.”38 His families theoretically would depend on the community, but with so little to go around, it was a difficult time. As an occasional dinner guest in the Lyman women’s home, Brigham Young would soon exploit the visits to ascertain their needs and provide them with whatever supplies he could.

Lyman’s wives, situated in the Cottonwood settlement, were probably better cared for than most. They took turns living in the family quarters and staying with friends; adding to their benefactors from the plains trek were Nathan Tenney and several southern immigrants, including William Crosby. Lyman kept up a constant correspondence with his wives and sometimes sent supplies.39 For more than a year he would be preoccupied with assignments in California.

In February 1848 former battalion officer and current San Diego area Indian agent Jesse D. Hunter reported to Brigham Young conversations and correspondence with acting military governor Richard B. Mason. The governor wanted a contingent of soldiers to garrison the region and expressed a strong desire for the Mormons to settle in southern California, where they could become a dominating force politically and militarily. [p.24]Hunter assured him that church colonists would be welcomed by almost all citizens. But Mason was soon replaced by General Bennett Riley, and Latter-day Saints working on a millrace at Coloma would help transform northern California into a plentifully populated territory through the discovery of gold.40

Among the estimated 25,000 to 35,000 argonauts who swarmed over the California trail in 1848 and 1849 was a number of Latter-day Saints, despite Young’s prediction that in three years they would own less than farmers and ranchers who stayed in Utah. Still he wished them well, hoping they would exert a desperately needed positive influence there.41

Lyman started overland for San Francisco on 8 April 1849 with a company of twenty men. They found themselves in the Sierra Nevadas too early in the year to acquire proper feed for their animals but struggled through nevertheless, reaching Sutter’s Fort within a month of leaving Salt Lake City. Although he found few interested in his proselyting, Lyman collected over $4,000 from the already converted and sent it to headquarters in early July. Young thereafter directed Lyman to “exert and increase a righteous influence over the people and government every day, and thus secure the right and privileges belonging to us, for we expect to inhabit that country as well as this, and want our share of good[s].”42

Amid continuing colonization efforts north and south of Salt Lake City, the hierarchy applied for statehood. Their proposed State of Deseret stretched from the Colorado Rockies to the Sierra Nevadas and extended south to include today’s San Diego and Los Angeles. A petition requesting admission of [p.25]Deseret, accompanied by a proposed constitution, was dispatched in May 1849.43

Soon thereafter agents of newly inaugurated president of the United States Zachary Taylor approached Young and expressed awareness of the situation, including the Mormon desire for self-government through statehood. Since introduction of the Wilmot Proviso in 1846, the greatest challenge facing Taylor’s administration was the sectional controversy over slavery. Working primarily through General John Wilson, a federal Indian agent formerly associated with Mormons in Missouri, Taylor acknowledged the “southern influence on the [Pacific] coast” which might block admission of California without slavery. The administration hoped that the Mormons could counterbalance the southern sympathizers and enable both California and Utah to become free states.

Taylor’s representatives convinced Young to support a “temporary amalgamation of the states of Deseret and California under one government” until the Mormon territory had sufficient population to justify splitting off into a state in its own right. Young instructed Lyman to get Wilson and sometime Mormon attorney William Pickett to represent the Great Basin at an anticipated constitutional convention. The California-based apostle was also directed to work with influential men in the San Diego and Los Angeles areas to assure a previously established understanding—secured by Mormon Battalion officers Hunter and perhaps Hunt and Robert Clift—that the Southland would be part of the Mormon state rather than attached to the Gold Rush territory.44

Unfortunately this presidential proposal proved stillborn, since instructions were sent to Lyman while the California con-[p.26]vention was already in session in early September 1849. Although the possibility of a Mormon presence within the state was the most hotly debated issue of the entire proceedings, the Great Basin area was excluded. The main arguments against the larger state were that Mormons were not represented in the convention and that adding anything might increase opposition to California in Congress. Lyman approached newly elected governor Peter Burnett, formerly acquainted with the Mormons in Missouri, to present the Taylor-Young proposal. The governor was not inclined to complicate California’s statehood quest, and, although Burnett submitted the plan to the acting state legislature, he recommended rejection since the two population centers were too far apart.45

There yet appeared to be some life in the Mormon statehood strategy. Charles Rich reported from California in early 1850 that the residents of the southern region were increasingly “dissatisfied with the proceedings in the north part of the state.” He predicted that if admission into the Union did not occur during the current session of Congress, southern Californians would unite against the dominant gold fields section and petition either “for a separate territory or attach[ment] to Deseret.” During that same crucial summer Lyman received notice from John M. Bernhisel, church agent at the nation’s capital, that few in Congress, even the supposedly friendly Stephen A. Douglas, had any inclination to allow the Mormon empire to include any part of the Pacific Coast. Bernhisel assumed that although the proslavery legislators at Washington, D.C., would resist California’s admission, it would nevertheless be accomplished. He held little hope for Deseret. This assessment proved correct, particularly after California’s admission as part of the Compromise of [p.27]1850. Political independence for the church through statehood would ultimately have to wait almost half a century.46

Meanwhile, Lyman pursued his other church assignments. In the autumn of 1849 the First Presidency instructed him and his associate, recently sustained apostle Charles Rich, to decide whether to “hold an influence” in California and try to win back those who had drifted from the fold into the gold fields, saying, “It is not only against the power of wicked men and devils they have to contend, but a spirit of estrangement and alienation.” Church authorities expressed interest in a “chain of settlements, as soon as practicable, extending from this place [Salt Lake City] to the coast.” They requested Lyman and Rich to obtain all the information possible on way station sites, presumably along the northern route. After investigating for most of a year, the two apostles concluded that a Mormon outpost in that area would be ill-advised. They recommended the more sparsely populated southern end of the state, inclined to believe that Colonel Isaac Williams’s Chino Rancho was the logical spot. Early in 1850 Lyman sailed by steamship to San Pedro harbor to investigate. Although he was in the area long enough, there is no evidence that he traveled inland for a personal look at the ranch. He did, however, meet with three people intimately acquainted with the region: Jesse D. Hunter, Charles Crisman, and Robert Clift. Together they “settled on arrangement for purchase of the ranch at Chino.” 47

It is difficult to ascertain just what resulted from these [p.28]discussions. Offers by Williams to sell had long been entertained and were reported by Hunt and other battalion officers to Young in May 1847. In 1850 Clift likewise wrote to Young to recommend purchase. Rich himself, upon arrival there by the overland southern route, waxed enthusiastic about the agricultural possibilities along with the seemingly generous financial terms held out by the proprietor. That offer was detailed in a letter from Williams to Rich just after the latter returned with Lyman to Salt Lake City toward the end of 1850. Williams offered to sell for $150,000, with sufficient cattle on the ranch, perhaps, to pay a sizable proportion of the sum if properly marketed.”48

These reports apparently removed Young’s last reservations. One consideration was the all-season possibilities of the route from Utah to southern California, avoiding the potentially deadly Sierra Nevada passes. The two end segments of the Old Spanish Trail had been blazed by Franciscan padres in 1776 and linked by Jedediah Smith in 1826. Thereafter the route was used almost yearly by traders and both Anglo-American and Hispanic settlers. It was a well-worn pack trail before Mormons arrived in Utah.

In 1848, as the Salt Lake Stake presidency faced the difficult challenge of establishing homes and an economic base in the semi-desert Utah environment, they recognized the need for grain seed, plant cuttings, beef, and other supplies from southern California. Hunt and other Mormon Battalion members urged a supply trip, if not total relocation to that area. Rich, then a counselor in the presidency, was particularly open to his longtime friend’s suggestions. He was reportedly instrumental in Hunt being designated, along with his adult sons, John and Gilbert, among the nineteen Mormons assigned to travel the route. Although none of the participants had previously traversed [p.29]the Old Spanish Trail, mountain man Miles Goodyear had been over it the year before and described it to them, so they anticipated little difficulty. Still the party ran out of food except for horse meat near Las Vegas. Yet they made the trip more or less successfully in forty-five days. A headquarters was established at Chino Rancho where some had worked in 1846. In mid-February 1848, having obtained the desired seeds and plantings and 240 head of cattle, along with some horses, they headed back to Salt Lake Valley. While losing more than half the livestock, they retraced the route successfully. This group was followed soon after by battalion soldiers who had reenlisted for another term of service. Led by Porter Rockwell, who went to California with Hunt, Henry G. Boyle and other veterans took what was undoubtedly the first wagon to cross the desert expanse.49

By the spring of 1849, as news of California gold discoveries spread throughout the United States, a flood of emigrants flocked over the Oregon Trail to the Salt Lake cutoff. As fall approached, recollections of the Donner tragedy deterred many from chancing the snow-blocked passes. Late emigrants were compelled to contemplate spending the winter months among Mormons who charged premium prices for supplies or to risk continuing. These immigrants were a drain on Mormon resources but a boon to the cash-poor economy.

As the number of stranded gold-seekers increased, some of the more impatient ones conferred, through mutual Masonic ties, with Hunt. He offered to lead an expedition over the trail for ten dollars per wagon. Within a short time a hundred wagons were enlisted. The expedition would later express disillusionment, not because Hunt misled them, although some suspected they were breaking a trail the Mormons contemplated using, but [p.30]because they also ended up providing an escort for a party of LDS missionaries traveling to the coast en route to the South Pacific Islands and for missionaries going to the gold fields to seek funds for the church.

An estimated 400-500 pioneers traveled from Utah to California that winter, fragmented into factions, some of which strayed far from the proven trail into what they named the Death Valley region. Information was gained about the various routes. The experiences of the various splinter parties in 1849 are well-documented, including those of a half-dozen Mormons who were later settlers at San Bernardino. The most significant aspect of these explorations was to emphasize the fact that there were few, if any, safe shortcuts. It also became evident that it would take the best of preparations, leadership, and good fortune to bring families over this difficult route.50

The first real obstacle experienced was the steep, waterless stretch from Utah Mountain to Beaver Dam Wash in present Arizona. This encouraged a group the next year to try an alternate route down the Virgin River. Either way there was no avoiding the desert expanses on both sides of the oasis-like Las Vegas. Even water holes like Bitter Springs and Salt Springs were too far apart for safety or comfort, and many of the essential livestock would die along that difficult portion of the trail. Missionary James Brown spoke for future sufferers when he recalled on reaching the Mojave River near present-day Barstow: “I presume that we felt as pleased as a man liberated from a life sentence in a dungeon, for we had reason to feel assured that we would succeed in our journey.” The river was not only a landmark signifying the end of the waterless expanses but a place of good feed for the animals to recoup while hunters sought game to replenish the food stores. And on this occasion, as later, Isaac Williams and [p.31]other enterprising Californians sent welcome food supplies to greet the travel-worn emigrants.51

There was still one last obstacle to be surmounted: the steep defiles approaching the Cajon Pass. Those who came in 1849 chose the rugged but less steep eastern wing of the T-shaped pass. In doing so they followed the branch of Cajon Creek which cut its way through the sometimes narrow Crowder Canyon, strewn with large boulders in the creek bed. Addison Pratt noted that he and his wagon-mates negotiated the canyon without outside assistance, but they probably had more than a half-dozen men in their group. Whoever did the work, each wagon had to be “helped … up and down the rocks … [and] lifted and pried to get them up and down.” Sidney Waite, then a twelve-year-old traveling with his family, later recalled that his father had to take the wheels off the wagon and slide the wagon box and other heavy parts “on sycamore poles down over the precipices and boulders.” This would be the last-known use of the east canyon route by wagons before the roadway was improved as a private toll road in 1860. Those who experienced the ordeal undoubtedly recommended seeking another passageway even if it were steeper.

At the mouth of the narrow side canyon, where it intersects with the broader Cajon Pass, was an ideal camping spot that travelers called the Willows. Here the Cajon Creek flowed consistently and feed for livestock was plentiful. But by that time most were anxious to get down the canyon to the ranches at San Bernardino, Chino, and Cucamonga. This did not prevent emigrants from noting the ideal campsite possibilities. Addison Pratt, among others, described the grass and wild oats already growing in the late winter season.52 One group of mining missionaries, including future San Bernardino Stake president David Seeley, [p.32]his brother Wellington, and his brother-in-law Edwin Pettit, camped for a time at Jose Maria Lugo’s Rancho San Bernardino. They contrasted the clover range there that was so tall the cattle had to follow trails through it to the winter vegetation they had left in Utah. Their hosts killed a beef and staged a “fandango,” which Mormons “enjoyed to the utmost as a number of the dark-eyed señoritas favored [them] with their presence” and some danced their first waltzes.53

The following year the southern trail was again used by California-bound gold seekers, including David W. Cheesman, an Indiana lawyer heading west with his family. The alterations in their route were significant. Instead of heading west from Utah’s Santa Clara River, the Cheesman party followed it southeast to its confluence with the Virgin. Then, following the larger waterway downstream to the west, they encountered steep precipices which necessitated pulling the wagons up a manageable but still difficult side slope. The party had to double and triple the number of draft animals needed to pull each wagon out of the river bottom up onto a bench. Then they unhitched the animals and drove them to the summit ridge where as many as twenty teams were attached to a long line of fled chains used to drag each wagon individually up the remaining embankment.

The other part of the Cheesman route was their approach to Cajon Pass. On the Mojave River the party had the good fortune to encounter W. T. B. Sanford, just beginning his career as a freighter. He informed the southbound party of his preference for a route over the so-called “hogback” at the summit to the west. Choosing this route necessitated all hands pushing the wagons up a short but steep incline on the approach from the north. Then it was a matter of carefully guiding the wagons down an equally precipitous incline along a ridge that intersected the [p.33]summit at right angles. This, Cheesman noted, was so steep that all the cattle slid down except the single team still hitched to the wagon tongue to keep the wheels astraddle the ridge-ramp. After a difficult sixty feet the incline became gradual and the remaining trail to the Willows was easy and pleasant. The next day, upon reaching the mouth of the canyon, Cheesman rhapsodized about the spot soon designated as Sycamore Grove: “[T]his was the most beautiful spot; a small valley dotted with large sycamores and clover nearly waist high.” His only criticism was the strong winds, later called the Santa Anas. So the way had been laid out for the huge body of Mormon pioneers who within the year would follow the Cheesman trail.54

The Mormon victory in adapting to life in the semi-arid West is one of the LDS contributions to the history of the United States. In a very real sense their success was due to a combination of mutual cooperation and a willingness to follow sometimes authoritarian ecclesiastical leaders. Besides the traditional tasks of clearing fields, building dwellings, and pacifying Indians, the Mormon settlers of the Great Basin had to refine methods of using streams from mountain canyons to water crops. While some had seen irrigation in New Mexico and California, as well as among some Utah Indians, developing large-scale settlements dependent on permanent irrigated agriculture was perhaps the greatest contribution of the Mormon pioneers to the future economic well-being of the nation. Not only were ditches and diversion dams among the first construction projects in Mormon Utah, such enterprises would continue to be priorities in each location settled by church members during the ensuing half-century. In almost every instance the irrigation project was too large for an individual or group of partners and needed the united efforts of an entire community, along with the leadership of a [p.34]bishop or other ecclesiastical leader. With the added incentive of knowing that planting colonies was as much a divine mission as preaching the Mormon gospel, making portions of the desert “blossom as a rose” was a natural goal.

Two full decades of preliminaries set the stage for settling the Latter-day Saint colony of San Bernardino. The doctrines and practices of the church had been firmly established amid hardship and persecution which simply embedded them more deeply in the lives of those who had been gathered into the fold. The people had acquired sufficient pioneering experience to be among the best qualified for such a venture, particularly since they had also developed a propensity toward cooperation and sacrifice. In many ways the entire Mormon experience stood as assurance that the California endeavor would be a success.

Notes:

1. When another future member of the Mormon emigrant company to San Bernardino, Parley P. Pratt, first read Smith’s new revelation—the Book of Mormon—he could hardly eat, sleep, or do anything else until he had completed the book. For similar reactions, see Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), 21-37.

2. Amasa completed his life as a similarly broad-mined man, whose intellectual pursuits may have helped alienate him from colleagues in the Mormon hierarchy with far narrower interests and less tolerance for such outside and worldly ideas.

3. Albert R. Lyman, Amasa Mason Lyman, Trailbuilder and Pioneer from the Atlantic to the Pacific (Delta, UT: privately printed, 1957), 7-26.

4. Leonard J. Arrington, Charles C. Rich: Mormon General and Western Frontiersman (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1974), 3-18. See James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976), 56-81, 93-101.

5. Richard S. Van Wagoner, Mormon Polygamy: A History (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1986), 4.

6. Leonard J. Arrington, Feramorz Y. Fox, and Dean L. May, Building the City of God: Community and Cooperation among the Mormons (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1976), 15-40.

7. Arrington and Bitton, Mormon Experience, 44-64; Arrington, Rich, 42.

8. Lyman, 27-70.

9. Ibid., 27-70.

10. Allen and Leonard, Story of the Latter-day Saints, 126; Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight from American Pluralism (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1989), 78-81; Journal History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 22 Jan. 1910, citing Morse’s affidavit in Salt Lake Tribune, archives, Historical Department, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah (hereafter LDS archives); D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1994), 116-17, 129.

11. Arrington, Rich, 45-63.

12. Hill, Quest for Refuge,78.

13. Lyman, 72-78.

14. Allen and Leonard, Story of the Latter-day Saints, 103-20; Arrington, Rich, 59.

15. Arrington, Rich, 60-63.

16. Allen and Leonard, Story of the Latter-day Saints, 128-34; Lyman, Amasa M. Lyman, 78-96.

17. Lyman, 107.

18. Arrington and Bitton, Mormon Experience, 65-93; Lyman, Amasa M. Lyman, 103-13.

19. Lyman, Amasa M. Lyman, 114-16.

20. Ibid.

21. Edwin Franklin Turley, “The Turley Family,” in Mormon File, Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

22. Arrington, Rich, 65-85;Robert B. Flanders, Nauvoo: Kingdom on the Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1965), 92-114.

23. Thurman Dean Moody, “Nauvoo’s Whistling and Whittling Brigade,” Brigham Young University Studies 15 (Summer 1975): 480-90.

24. Arrington, Rich, 86, 112.

25. Melvin A. Lyman, ed. Amasa Mason Lyman Family History, 2 vols. (Delta, UT: privately printed, 1969), 2:21 O-A-(and surrounding pages contains complete diary of Eliza Maria Partridge Lyman); Kate B. Carter, ed. Treasures of Pioneer History, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1953), 2:218-33.

26. Leonard J. Arrington, Brigham Young: American Moses (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985), 113-16; Lyman, Amasa M. Lyman, 115-20. See also discussion in Quinn, Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power, 164-65.

27. Lyman, Lyman Family History, 23 O-A, 43 O-A.

28. Kate B. Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 20 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1959), 485-636.

29. Arrington, Rich, 112-13.

30. Paul Bailey, Sara Brannan and the California Mormons (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1943), 22-81; Kate B. Carter, ed. Heart Throbs of the West, 12 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of the Utah Pioneers, 1947), 7:393-94, 379. The following Brooklyn Saints eventually moved to San Bernardino: Thomas Tompkins, wife, and two children; Isaac Goodwin and six children; Carolyn Joyce and two children; William Stout, wife, and one child; George W. Sirrine; Abraham Coombs, wife, and three children; George K. Winner, wife, and six children; Horace A. Skinner; Quartus S. Sparks, wife, one child, and mother-in-law, Sister Hamilton; Daniel Stark, wife, and two children.

31. Daniel Tyler, A Concise History of the Mormon Battalion in the Mexican War, 1846-1847 (Glorieta, NM: Rio Grande Press, 1969 [1881]), 143-56; Frank Alfred Golder, The March of the Mormon Battalion from Council Bluffs to California, Taken from the Journal of Henry Standage (New York: The Century Co., 1928), 216.

32. Tyler, The Mormon Battalion, 275-87, 332-34; Henry Green Boyle diary, 12 Apr. 1848, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah; Jefferson Hunt and others to Brigham Young, 14 May 1847, in Golder, Mormon Battalion, 251-52.

33. John Zimmerman Brown, Autobiography of Pioneer John Brown, 1820-1896 (Salt Lake City: privately printed, 1941), 50-81; Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 2:425-31; LaMar C. Berrett, “History of the Southern States Mission, 1831-1861,” M.S. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1960, 210-12, 158-262, 264; Leonard J. Arrington, “Mormon Beginnings in the American South,” paper presented at Mormon History Association Adjunct Session of American Historical Association Meeting, Atlanta, Georgia, Dec. 1975, copy, LDS archives.

34. Hafen and J. M. Young, “The Mormon Settlement at Pueblo during the Mexican War,” Colorado Magazine 9 (July 1932): 121-36; George Frederick Ruxton, Life in the Far West, LeRoy R. Hafen, ed. (reprint; Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1951), 203-207; Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 2:425-31, 436-44.

35. Ruxton, Life in the Far West, 206-207; Janet Lecompte, “Valentine Johnson ‘Rube’ Herring,” in LeRoy R. Hafen, ed., The Mountain Men and the Fur Trade of the Far West (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1969), 10:203-209.

36. Tyler, Mormon Battalion, 169-73.

37. Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 2:443-45; Lyman, Amasa M. Lyman, 167-71; Lyman, Lyman Family History, 46 A-O = 55 A-O.

38. Carter, Treasures of Pioneer History, 2:235-44.

39. Ibid.

40. Jesse Hunter to President and Council, 22 Feb. 1848, Journal History.

41. Hunter to Young and council, 12, 23 Apr. 1850.

42. Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, and Willard Richards to Amasa Lyman, 6 Sept. 1849, Journal History; Amasa M. Lyman to J. H. Flanigan, 11 Apr. 1850, Journal History.

43. Dale L. Morgan, The State of Deseret (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1987), 7-66.

44. Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, and Willard Richards to “Our Friends in Western California,” 6 Sept. 1849, Journal History.

45. Theodore H. Hittell, History of California, 4 vols. (San Francisco: N.J. Stowe & Co., 1897), 2:766-67, 802-805; State of California, Journal of the California Legislature, 1850, 756-70.

46. Charles C. Rich to Brigham Young, 19 July 1850, Brigham Young Papers, LDS archives; John M. Bernhisel to Amasa M. Lyman, 15 Mar. 1850, Amasa M. Lyman Papers, LDS archives.

47. Amasa M. Lyman and Charles C. Rich to Brigham Young, 23 July 1850, Young Papers; “Third General Epistle of the Presidency,” 12 Apr. 1850, Journal History; Lyman Journal, 21, 22 Feb., 8 Apr. 1850, Lyman Papers. Southern Californians understood that their cattle ranches would be taxed more heavily than property in the gold fields.

48. Arrington, Rich, 155-57; Robert Clift to President Young, 17 Dec. 1850, Journal History; Isaac Williams to Charles C. Rich, 19 Dec. 1850, Rich Papers, LDS archives.

49. Jefferson Hunt of the Mormon Battalion (Salt Lake City: Nicholas Morgan, Sr., Foundation, 1958), 150-59; Norma L. Elliott, “A Biographical Sketch of Jefferson Hunt,” undated, 8; Boyle Journal.

50. LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen, Journals of Forty-Niners: Salt Lake to Los Angeles (Glendale, CA: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1954), 15-319.

51. “James S. Brown Account,” in Hafen, Journals of Forty-Niners, 127.

52. “Addison Pratt’s Diary,” 106-107, and “Sidney Waite Sketch,” 129-30, both in Hafen, Journals of Forty-Niners.

53. David Seeley, “Autobiographical Sketch,” Hubert Howe Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California.

54. David W. Cheesman, “By Ox Team from Salt Lake to Los Angeles,” Historical Society of Southern California Annual Publication (1930): 293-94, 301-302.